It irritates me no end whenever Solicitor General Menardo Guevarra claims that the International Criminal Court (ICC) has no more jurisdiction on the Philippines since it has withdrawn in 2019 its membership in the Rome Statute, the treaty that has created the ICC. My ever suspicious mind could not help but think that Guevarra wants to exculpate himself of any responsibility in the bloody but ill-fated war on drugs of Rodrigo Duterte. Prior to his appointment at the OSG, Guevarra was the justice secretary. That was during the incumbency of Duterte. While at the DoJ, Guevarra never took initiatives to pursue honest to goodness investigations of the war on drugs. The ICC acknowledged the failure of the Duterte government to run after those behind the spate of EJKs in the country. On the contrary, Guevarra was part of the massive coverup to hide the truth from the Filipino people. Guevarra should be indicted too at the ICC.
Guevarra's role in the war of drugs has not be fully studied and documented. This is something that should be looked into. I am now completing my second book "BUMPS Fifty Years of Democracy and Dictatorship in the Philippines (1972-2022)." Chapter of this book is an update of the war on drugs. This year, I finished my first book "KILL KILL KILL Extrajudicial Killings in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity v. Rodrigo Duterte Et Al." The following are excerpts of Chapter 10 of my second book. It explains why the Philippines is still responsible for those EJKs although it is no longer a member of the Rome Statute. This belies Guevarra's claims, which are not based on the Supreme Court decision in 2021. It appears Guevarra does not know the provisions of the Rome Statute and the Supreme Court decision. He is grossly ignorant of the law.
UNANIMOUS
CONCURRENCE. The Supreme Court, in the landmark 2021 decision
penned by Associate Justice Marvic Leonen and unanimously concurred by all
magistrates, has decided that Duterte did not violate the 1987 Constitution
when the latter made the unilateral decision for the Philippines to withdraw
its membership in the Rome Statute, the multilateral treaty that has created
the International Criminal Court (ICC). Duterte did not consult with leaders of
Congress in his unilateral decision. Neither did he consult with other leaders
in the Exeuctive Branch. It was his unilateral decision.
But the withdrawal decision does not mean that
Duterte and his ilk are no longer responsible for the spate of EJKs that took
place when the Philippines was a member of the Rome Statute. It does not
exculpate them of any responsibility set forth in the Rome Statute. On the
contrary, they have remained responsible for the numerous violations they
committed when the Philippines was a member-state of the Rome Statute.
On the contrary, the High Court’s decision binds the
government of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to enforce the Rome Statue when the
Philippines was still a member. It has dropped words that the Marcos government
has no choice but to turn over Duterte and his co-accused to the ICC, if ever it
asks for Duterte and ilk to face prosecution and trial. The provisions of the
Romes Satute is clear on this aspect. Framers of the Rome Statute have
anticipated the withdrawal of member-states, when its leaders stand accused of
violations of its citizens. Its framers foresaw this eventuality and that they
have placed an iron-clad provision to initiate proceedings against these
violators even when the withdrawal is to happen.
The country is no not an ICC member on March 17,
2019, but the ICC has ruled that it could investigate the EJKs because they
occurred when the country was still a party to the Rome Statute. The ICC probe
covers the EJKs committed from Nov. 2011 to March 2019, including the EJKs in
Davao City, while Duterte was its mayor and thousands of EJKs that occurred nationwide
in his war on drugs. This is something that Duterte, a lawyer, did not know
and, until now, refuses to understand.
JUDICIAL
RESTRAINT. The Supreme Court decision gave a judicial
restraint treatment of the unilateral withdrawal of the Philippines from the Rome
Statute. But it has ensured that the government would have to adhere to the
provisions of the Rome Statute, when it was still a member-state. In brief, the
withdrawal initiated solely by Duterte in what appeared to be an unpredictable fit
of frenzy does not mean outright loss of the country’s obligations to the ICC.
In what could be considered an iron-clad, black and white part of the Supreme
Court decision, the following has to be cited from the SC decision:
“Withdrawing from the Rome Statute does not discharge
a state party from the obligations it has incurred as a member. Article 127(2)
provides: ‘A State shall not be discharged, by reason of its withdrawal, from
the obligations arising from this Statute while it was as a Party to the
Statute, including any financial obligations which may have accrued. Its
withdrawal shall not affect any cooperation with the Court in connection with
criminal investigations and proceedings in relation to which the withdrawing
State had a duty to cooperate and which were commenced prior to the date on
which the withdrawal became effective, nor shall it prejudice in any way the
continued consideration of any matter which was already under consideration by
the Court prior to the date on which the withdrawal became effective.’
“A state party withdrawing from the Rome Statute must
still comply with this provision. Even if it has deposited the instrument of
withdrawal, it shall not be discharged from any criminal proceedings. Whatever
process was already initiated before the International Criminal Court obliges
the state party to cooperate.
“Until the withdrawal took effect on March 17, 2019,
the Philippines was committed to meet its obligations under the Rome Statute.
Any and all governmental acts up to March 17, 2019 may be taken cognizance of
by the International Criminal Court.
“Further, as petitioners in G.R. No. 239483
underscored: [U]nder this reverse complementarity provision in [Republic Act
No. 9851, the Preliminary Examination opened by the [International Criminal
Court] on the President's drug war is not exactly haram (to borrow a word used
in Islam to mean any act forbidden by the Divine). Assuming such a [Preliminary
Examination] proceeds . . . when Art. 18 (3) of the Rome Statute comes into
play, [Republic Ad No. 9851 may be invoked as basis by Philippine authorities
to defer instead to the [International Criminal Court] in respect of any
investigation on the same situation.
“Consequently, liability for the alleged summary
killings and other atrocities committed in the course of the war on drugs is
not nullified or negated here. The Philippines remained covered and bound by
the Rome Statute until March 17, 2019.”
Hence, the Supreme Court dismissed the claim that the unilateral withdrawal of Philippine
membership from the Rome Statute “violated their right to be provided with
ample remedies for the protection of their right to life and security.” This is
baseless, according to the High Court. “This fear of imagined diminution of
legal remedies must be assuaged. The Constitution, which embodies our
fundamental rights, was in no way abrogated by the withdrawal. A litany of
statutes that protect our rights remain in place and enforceable,” it said.
In the first book, this author concludes this is a
matter that Duterte and cohorts have had a hard time to understand. Even their
purported lawyers do not understand this issue either. They have kept on
insisting that the withdrawal of the Philippines from the Rome Statute has
extinguished outright their liability or responsibility from the Rome Statute.
Hence, they have insisted the ICC has no power to run after them. This oversimplistic
view and interpretation is false and unimplementable, by all means.
The Supreme Court has laid down the consequences if
ever a state like the Philippines refuses to cooperate with the ICC in its
probes.The operative phrase is “full cooperation.” The ICC has the power to
employ ways to ensure the personal safety of victims. This is a matter that
Duterte, cohorts and lawyers have not seen or understood.
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