Author's Notes: This part is being revised and widened to include other instances of EJKs to include cases like the Payatas Massacre, among others. I am still putting it down to present the entire Chapter 1 of my book. I will continue by tomorrow to put on my blog the next chapter of my book.
THE UGLY FACE OF WAR ON DRUGS
ALTHOUGH the war on drugs unofficially started even before Rodrigo Duterte took over as president, the ugly face of the anti-drug war immediately surfaced. For the first two years of his presidency, a big percentage of the Philippine National Police, as an institution, focused solely on the implementation of the Project Double Barrel and its twin components: Oplan Tokhang and Oplan High Value Targets. It was estimated that about 85% of the total PNP total force in Metro Manila alone worked on this anti-drug project on the first six months of Duterte’s incumbency.
According to the white paper, the “unlawful order” to pursue the war against drugs through summary executions of drug users, pushers, and wholesalers was delegated by Duterte to PNP chief Gen. Ronald dela Rosa. The unlawful order cascaded to Police Regional Officers (PROs), Police Provincial Offices (PPOs), City Police Offices (CPOs), Municipal Police Offices (MPOs), and Police Community Precincts (PCPs). The white paper alleged Metro Manila police officials were “blindly obeying” the unlawful order but said the obedience could be due to several motivations. It said:
“For the Regional Directors, there are motivations for taking part in EJK, both linked with fear that they would be relieved from their positions. First, these positions provide them opportunities to earn money and fast cash through sources of illegal gambling. Second, these positions give them access to a percentage of the Monthly Operating Expenses (MOE) budget regularly released to them. These two motivations are those of Police Regional Commanders, who are due to retire in two years’ time.
“For Police Officers from the middle to the lower ranks, (Police Chief Inspector to Police Inspector), the motivation to go along with EJK is anchored on: first, the fear to be relieved of one’s post; and second, careerism.”
The white paper clarified that not all police officers agreed with Duterte’s anti-drug war. Although the police officers have yet to show palpable indications of any semblance of opposition to the war on drugs, it said:
“Most PNP officers and personnel reject the killing of drug users. However, they overwhelmingly approve the eradication of drug pushers thru EJKs. Regarding long-term performance, police officers, who are deeply involved in EJK operations would be surely sloppy on criminal investigation.”
The white paper also denied any killing by vigilante groups, saying: “Killing by vigilante forces is definitely non-existent. It is PNP operatives riding in tandem, who carry out EJK. Although there are several thugs who are police assets used for EJK operations, these thugs serve as collectors, informants, or auxiliaries, and are provided with budgetary funds to defray their expenses. They cannot be classified as vigilantes.”
***
NARRATIVES OF EJKS
The stories about the spate of summary executions do not seem to end easily. Press reports keep on flowing daily about a number of extrajudicial killings (EJKs), necessitating independent countercheck to verify their authenticity and truth. Hence, independent confirmations have to be pursued through talks with families of victims. This author talked to at least four mothers, whose sons – and even grandsons - were slain by police officers in the name of war on drugs. Three mothers – Sara Celis, Brenda Victorio, and Elena Gonzales - came from the depressed communities in the Bagong Silang district in the North Caloocan City, while one mother – Natividad Castillo – came from the Manila’s workingmen’s district of Tondo. The four mothers have given their stories for inclusion in the crimes against humanity charges against Duterte and his minions before the ICC. They coursed them through their lawyer Edwin Fernandez, who belongs to an NGO that deals with the EJKs.28
SARA CELIS NARRATIVE. Sara Celis, a mother in her 60s, has an interesting story. She lost two sons in a span of six months to summary executions. The first to fall was older son, Almol, who was shot dead by unidentified police officers on February 6, 2017. Almol, a blue collar worker who painted houses, went to the wake of a friend, a compadre, in another area not far from the Celis’s house, where he and his family lived too. By that time, many people in the community noticed the presence of a multitude of police officers, who milled in the wake’s area called “Itaas” because it is situated in an elevated portion. When Almol reached the wake, a commotion suddenly occurred. Police officers chased an unidentified person. Alarmed by the commotion, Almol was said to have raised instinctively his hands, but police officers shot him for no apparent reason, according to mother Sara Celis. Almol suffered four gunshot wounds; one on the head and three on his breast. Police took him to hospital but he perished. Celis claimed Almol did not use drugs. He left a wife and five children. Sara Celis claimed she is now forced to support her grandchildren. Almol was the family breadwinner.
Sara claimed that when Almol was brought to the hospital, four police officers were there asking questions about his son. Her informants, whom she knew, noticed that they seemed to know beforehand his son was to be brought there. Sara claimed certain police officers asked her to name a “Joey Cadena,” a notorious underworld character in Caloocan City, as the assailant, who shot and killed her son. Five months after his son’s death, police killed Joey Cadena in an alleged shootout. Because he was dead, his son’s case died too. There was no follow-up investigation. Police officers, who were allegedly involved in his son’s death, went scot free.
Six months later, it was the turn of her younger son Dickie to fall. He was alighting from a tricycle after buying food from the market, when several police officers surrounded and took him for a purported routine check at the police station. “Hihiramin lang namin ang anak mo (We’ll borrow your son),” a police officer told the mother. Dickie was killed inside the police station, according to Sara Celis, citing witnesses, who were jailed at the station. She could not say if her son was user or pusher although she knew her place teemed with users and pushers.
Police officers brought Dickie in a police vehicle to the station. “Nilagyan ng pulis ng itim na tela sa ulo si Dickie at saka dinala sa presinto (Police put a black cloth on Dickie’s head and then, he was brought to the station), Dickie’s sister said.” Worried after her son did not go home, Sara Celis first went to the barangay hall by midnight and then to the police station but to no avail. By 4 am, she received a message from her daughter that Dickie was dead.
Sara said her residence area was often subject to casing by unidentified police officers from Bagong Silang Phase One Police Station. They were not in uniform, although they were known in the barangay. “Dati takot ako,ngayon hindi. Paano mabibigyan ng hustisya ang mga pinatay kung takot ka rin? (Before, I was afraid but not now. How the victims would be given justice if I am afraid too)?” she said rhetorically. The separate deaths of her two sons were never carried by traditional media although she is in possession of the police reports and death certificates, copies of which she showed during the interview.
BRENDA VICTORIO NARRATIVE. Brenda Victorio admitted that her son was a smalltime drug dealer. On October 9, 2016, an unidentified police officer, who knew his son’s involvement in illegal drug trade In the North Caloocan City, asked him to give him sachets of shabu worth P200. The police officer asked him to bring the sachets in the Northern Caloocan City Hall because it was supposed to be used as “planted evidence” on an Oplan Tokhang victim. His son Roderick Nulud agreed to the request but not without tagging along Roderick’s son, Raymond John, 19. On that day, Victorio received a text message asking her to go to Zapote Road, a street near the City Hall. She saw her son and grandson both dead. Witnesses narrated they saw motorcycle-riding men chasing Roderick and Raymond John. They were shot dead. “Parang shooting sa pelikula (It was like shooting scenes in a movie)” they said. Their murder happened in broad daylight.
According to Victorio, she never denied that her son was a drug pusher. He was jobless and occasionally worked as a jeep barker to earn a living. As a jeep barker, he mingled with fellow drug users and pushers. Because the income was good, he focused on being a pusher. The sachets of shabu worth P200 was to be used as planted evidence on a pusher “to make it appear he was big time” indeed, but it led to his own murder. Victorio said. They could not do anything because his son was involved in drug trade. They tried to go to Mayor Oscar Malapitan to ask for whatever help he could provide, but the mayor took distance from them. It was true that local officials do not help the families of the EJK victims. SOCO operatives told them to claim from a certain funeral parlor the bodies of his son and grandson. Victorio said she was surprised when its manager asked P50,000 for the two bodies. The amount covered the expenses for the coffins and funeral services, the manager told her. It took them two weeks to raise P50,000 to claim their bodies.
According to Victorio, her son was twice arrested for drug pushing. Each time he was arrested, police asked P20,000 for his freedom. His son had an employer in the drug trade and it explained his release. His employer was allegedly a resident in the district of Tala. Because his son resided in her house and her house was used for drug pushing, Brenda was earlier arrested. Police asked P50,000 to set her free, but because she haggled, she was set free after she gave P7,000. His grandson was in school and he was not engaged in drug pushing. The other grandson is married and his wife has an uncle, who was one of the alleged killers of his son.
ELENA GONZALES NARRATIVE. Elena Gonzales readily admitted that his son Lemond Gonzales was a drug user. A group of police officers forcibly entered their house on June 21, 2017. They asked all household members to go out of the house and walk to the nearest store in the corner, while pretending they were about to arrest Lemond. Hardly a few steps outside the house, they heard four consecutive gunshots. The incident happened in their house in Phase 2 of Bagong Silang district. The police officers did not arrest Lemond but shot him inside the toilet, where he was defecating at the time of their arrival. She said Lemond was suffering from a stomach ailment at that time.
Gonzales said there was no investigation. Nothing followed after the incident. She went to police to inquire and follow up any official investigation, but she was given alibis. She said she was resigned that police would not move to solve the issue. She said she could not expect justice from the Duterte government.
NATIVIDAD CASTILLO NARRATIVE. Her son Aldrin Castillo was gunned down at the corner of Herbosa and Yangco Streets in Tondo on October 2, 2017. Castillo, a welder, visited her married sister, who lived in the area, to install the air conditioning unit in her house in Tondo and bid her goodbye because he was about to leave and work as an overseas Filipino contract worker (OFW). Because it was early evening, Aldrin Castillo did not leave immediately after his visit to his sister. They were raised by their parents in that area and he knew many friends and acquaintances there. Aldrin was talking to friends at the intersection, when several police mobile cars roved at that time. Finally, he was caught surprised when a motorcycle-rising tandem materialized from nowhere and shot him four times – two on the chest and one each on his cheek and neck. He died instantly. Aldrin did not use drugs, but appeared to be a random victim of violence in pursuit of the police objective to bring dead bodies before the altar of the war on drugs.
News about his murder spread quickly. His mother, Natividad Castillo, who was in Caloocan City, rushed to the scene when she received several text messages informing her of Aldrin’s fate. ‘Halos mabaliw ako sa nangyari dahil sa nangyari sa anak. Mabuti na lang nahawakan ko ang kamay niya bago siya alisin sa kalsada (I almost got mad at what happened to my son. It was good thing I was able to hold his hand before his body was removed from the street.),” Natividad said. She said she noticed that the CCTV camera although functioning at the time of her son’s assassination was turned away to a different direction to record something else. There was hardly any police investigation and, according to her, she and her husband felt helpless because they could not turn to any agency to seek justice.
From the summary execution of her son, Natividad Castillo metamorphosed to become a street activist. Although she did not finish high school, she has learned numerous things to become knowledgeable of the burning issues of the day. ‘I did not care in the past. I was happy to eat three meals a day and be with friends,” she said. Her son’s death opened new vistas for her to explore. In 2018, she spoke before a human rights forum in The Hague and she narrated her son’s murder to prove Duterte was bent to kill people with impunity. She is now a volunteer of the Rise Up for Life and for Rights, a Church-based non-profit group supporting and organizing the victims of extrajudicial killings (EJK) and their families. She helps in conducting house-to-house visits and talking to the families, scheduling meetings, and doing other things she can do for the organization. She is also involved in the counseling of the families of EJK victims.
‘QUOTA SYSTEM’. The four mothers unanimously expressed the belief that police officers had quotas to kill because the EJKs became rampant, indiscriminate, and at random to include innocent persons. Moreover, they believed too that the antidrug campaign has become difficult to control. Duterte, through dela Rosa and other PNP officials, could have set a specific number of victims to force police officers to kill and meet the specified number. “This eventually points to the quota system,” according to Natividad Castillo, whose son was an EJK victim. Any failure to meet the quota was being frown upon and it was not good for the reputation of the police officers.
There was also the “palit ulo” (change head) scheme. Police would force a suspect of drug trade to identify users and pushers in a certain barangay. If he refuses, he would be killed and be counted as among the EJK victims. But if he cooperates and pointed another guy, police would spare his life but kill the other guy. This was a scheme that worked so well in many operations. They were included in the pieces of information, which several parties have submitted separately to the International Criminal Court in the crimes against humanity charges against Duterte and his cohorts.
***
GLOBAL DIMENSION OF DRUG TRADE
Discussions of illegal drug trade would not be complete without mention of its global dimension. While globalization has triggered freer trade and better communications among interdependent trading countries, its dark side has loomed, as shown by the rise of illicit drug trade over the last four or five decades, encompassing the four main stages of economic activity – cultivation, production, transshipment and distribution to various points of consumption. Their cultivation, production, and transport have transcended national boundaries, becoming a multi-billion dollar industry. Drug syndicates are ever present in every continent except Antartica. Estimates vary on its magnitude. From a low of US$500 billion to a high of almost a trillion US dollars. Drug syndicates have formed multinational alliances to ensure free flow of illegal drugs.
Illegal drugs like cocaine are cultivated and produced in the South American forests in countries like Colombia and Venezuela. Methamphetamine, or “shabu” are produced in laboratories in China, Myanmar, Indonesia, the Philippines, among others. Marijuana leaves are grown and processed in the forests in Myanmar, Thailand, Central Asia, and South America. Opium and its derivatives like heroin are grown and produced in the “Golden Crescent,” or the mountainous peripheries of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and “Golden Triangle,” or the overlapping mountain areas in Laos, Thailand, and Myanmar. West Africa is also pinpointed as another source of illegal substances. An intricate web of couriers, and illegal traders transport them, using every conceivable means of transshipment including mules, or human carriers.
Drug trafficking is the most problematic aspect of illicit drug trade. Most countries have adopted strong anti-drug policies to stop illegal drugs from entering their boundaries. These nations have involved their police and military forces to seize illegal drugs. Violence is usual result of clashes between illegal drug traders and law enforcers. Deaths and injuries for either side are the common occurrence of the drug trade. Smuggling is usual recourse for the forcible entry of the illegal drug substances. Many countries have come out with multilateral accords to stop drug trade. The first pact is the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, which was approved in 1961; second, Convention on Psychotropic Drugs, in 1971; and third, United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, in 1988. Experts have described these multilateral agreements as “marginal” to stop illicit drug trade.
The use of illegal drugs took a high profile mainly as a countercultural reaction to the political ferment of the 1960s and 1970s. At first, the consumption level was largely recreational, but emerging drug syndicates took the demand seriously, triggering regional and, later, global trade. The emerging consumption pattern has caused the rise of drug syndicates, which catered to the needs of a new class of users, or addicts. Demand for illegal drugs has been described as inelastic mainly because of the addictive property of most illegal substances. The classic law of demand and supply does not seem to apply. Drug prices have no consequences for users. Their main preoccupation is their availability in the market.
A noteworthy quality that distinguishes drug trade from other industries is that drugs are illegal. Most countries have made their cultivation, production, distribution, and consumption a criminal activity, which is punishable under their laws. Hence, an underground market exists to cater to their users. The risk of imprisonment has made expensive illegal drugs in the market. Drug syndicates have to avoid detection. In most cases, they have to bribe the law enforcers to turn a blind eye on their illegal activity. By rule of the thumb, illegal drugs, upon reaching their market destinations, are priced at least 300% of their original priced.
Illegal drug trade have grown by leaps and bounds over the last four or five decades. Although its magnitude is difficult to discern because of its illegal nature, its estimated annual value of at least US$500 billion, which is on the low side, is comparable to the Switzerland’s economy. It has an estimated 200 million users worldwide, representing 3% of the world population.
UNIVERSAL LEGALIZATION. Amid the chaos and violence emanating from illicit drug trade, scholars have proposed its universal legalization, which is essentially revolutionary in a sense. Matthew Jenner, in a published paper, said: “Every week, hundreds of people are murdered in incidents directly related to trafficking. While several global efforts to end the drug trafficking problem have occurred, they have yielded only marginal success. Still, forty years later, one strategy has yet to be fully tested: universal legalization. Although counterintuitive at first glance, legalization could provide a successful framework for destabilizing the global market and solving the drug trafficking problem”
Jenner argued that the globalization of the world economy has likewise fostered underground market for arms trade and human trafficking for prostitution and slavery. But the illicit drug trade has created the network that could reach US$500 in its net worth. Jenner said: “The most efficient way to affect the global market is to legalize drugs, as prohibition acts as a catalyst in building up the market. It attracts criminals, incentivizes violence, and makes the drug trade one of the most profitable industries in the world. Universal legalization would reverse these trends. It would take the profits out of the industry and put a stop to violent trafficking, possibly ending the drug trade as we know it.”
Jenner continued: “The concept of legalization entails legalizing every aspect of the drug trade, from production to consumption, worldwide. The immediate benefit of legalization would be a reduction in the violence associated with the drug trafficking aspect of the trade. Prohibition creates the opportunity for self-help violence in the drug trade by driving the market underground. Legalization would create a legitimate market for drugs, allowing conflicts to be settled in courts of law and attracting commendable market players rather than criminals, much like what happened after the prohibition of alcohol ended in the United States in the 1930s.”
FOOTNOTES
1. For purposes of discussions in this book,
illegal drugs refer largely to the most popular illegal drugs in the
Philippines: methamphetamine, meth or “shabu” and marijuana. The third illegal
drug, Ecstasy tablet, or Methylenedioxymethamphetamine
(MDMA), has gained acceptance and popularity. Meth is an upper drug that is
called the “poor man’s cocaine.” They are normally sold in sachets by illegal
street vendors or pushers. Ecstasy is mainly a party pill. Read: https://www.cfr.org/interview/human-rights-and-dutertes-war-drugs.
2. Rodrigo Duterte of PDP–Laban Party
garnered 16,6 million votes, or 39% of the 42.6 million voters who cast their
ballots. He won over Mar Roxas of Liberal Party (nearly 10 million votes, or
23.5%); Grace Poe, independent (9,1 million votes, or 21.4%); and Jejomar
Binay, United Nationalist Alliance ( 5,4
million votes, or 12.7%) Shortly after he won the presidency, Duterte, the bragadoccio,
was quoted as saying in one of his public address: "Forget the laws on
human rights. If I make it to the presidential palace, I will do just what I
did as mayor. You drug pushers, hold-up men and do-nothings, you better go out.
Because I'd kill you," he said at his final campaign rally. "I'll
dump all of you into Manila Bay, and fatten all the fish there."
3. The war on drugs is nothing but a war on
the poor. Read: https://theglobalobservatory.org/2016/08/philippines-duterte-drugs-extrajudicial-killing-tokhang/. An equally engaging reading: https://www.cfr.org/interview/human-rights-and-dutertes-war-drugs
4. Read: https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/item.aspx?name=210614-prosecutor-statement-philippines. This link will help: https://www.economist.com/asia/2016/09/15/the-human-toll-of-the-philippines-war-on-drugs
5. The complete text of Duterte’s inaugural
address : https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2016/06/30/inaugural-address-of-president-rodrigo-roa-duterte-june-30-2016/
6. ICJ’s letter to Duterte in full: https://www.icj.org/philippines-icj-sends-letter-to-president-dutertre-expressing-concern-over-wave-of-killings/
7. The Philippine government adopted this recommendation, but it came quite belatedly in 2020. It involved a sample of 52 cases. The Human Rights Watch, in its 2021 Report, said: ‘The Department of Justice, which announced, in June 2020, the creation of a panel that would review deaths in the “drug war” attributed to police officers, said, in September 2021, that it was now investigating 52 cases involving 154 police officers implicated in questionable killings. This followed its admission before the UN Human Rights Council, in February, that officers failed to follow protocols during these operations. In many cases, police made no effort to examine allegedly recovered weapons, verify ownership, or conduct ballistic examinations. In most of the cases the Department of Justice reviewed, police also failed to follow standard protocols in the coordination of drug raids and in the processing of crime scene evidence.” Read: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/media_2022/01/World%20Report%202022%20web%20pdf_0.pdf
8. Read: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/8/8/rodrigo-duterte-i-dont-care-about-human-rights
9. Read: https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/08/07/duterte-names-narcopoliticians-judges.html
11. https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1145101/download; Also
read: Duterte need to be stopped on his drug war: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2017/jan/05/rodrigo-dutertes-drug-war-in-the-philippines-is-out-of-control-he-needs-to-be-stopped
12. Read: https://www.rappler.com/nation/176597-sona-2017-duterte-chr-ombudsman/; include: Drug on war not
wasted://www.philstar.com/headlines/2022/01/25/2156324/palace-war-drugs-not-wasted-opportunity;
Duterte threatens human rights community: https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/08/18/philippines-duterte-threatens-human-rights-community
14.
https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2017/09/13/1738719/who-moved-give-chr-budget-p1000
15.
Critics including Sonny Trillanes pointed out that police
officers have a different understating of the word “neutralization.” It meant
outright death for the social offenders.
16. There are little discussions about
the extent of penetration of the Mexican drug cartel led by the Sinoloan drug
cartel, which used to be headed by the high profile drug lord named Joaquin de
Guzman, or popularly known as “El Chapo.” The Netflix drama series “El Chapo” has
a scene, showing an official of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), who
cited a report, where the Sinoloan drug cartel had established presence in
Asian countries, including the Philippines. It did not elaborate. Sinoloa is a
mountainous Mexican region, which is mainly on the Pacific side.
17. Operation Double Barrel has two
components: Oplan Tokhang and Oplan High Value Target. Oplan Tokhang is a
portmanteau of ―toktok and ―hangyo the Visayan terms for knock and plead. Tokhang
is nominally one aspect of the Duterte campaign, but has become largely
synonymous to the drug war. As such, colloquially ―na-tokhang‖ means to be a killed, arrested, or in any way affected by
the ―war on drugs.
Oplan High Value Target includes operations to net high-value and street-level
targets involved in the trade of illegal drugs like “buy-bust” operations (our
version of sting operations), and serving search and arrest warrants to arrest
them and their drugs.
18. Duterte has a special term for those police
officers involved in drug-related shenanigans: “Ninja Cops.”
19. Informants, who declined to be
identified, told the author that certain police officers, out of misplaced
enthusiasm, went out of bounce by summarily executing smalltime users and
pushers. The number of those killed between one and a month before Duterte took
his oath could not be determined because statistics of the EJK victims were on
a monthly or quarterly basis. Police officers did it because the concept of Oplan
Tokhang, as earlier practiced in Davao City, was the prevailing mode even
before Duterte took his oath. The barangay captain, who served as my informant,
said Duterte gave a go-signal to start those EJKs even when he was not yet the
president.
20. Certain police officers whom the author
met admitted they went on schooling to avoid involvement in the war on drugs.
21. The existing anti-drug laws treat the
users and pushers differently. They liberally take the users as victims. But they
are harsh on pushers, taking them as most responsible and believing they are the
main players in the drug trade. Duterte’s statements that drug users have
become useless because drug use has cooked their brains seemed to have affected
police officers in the conduct of the anti-drug campaign.
22. The white paper somehow includes some
details about the purported participation of infiltration by the outlawed
Communist Party of the Philippines through its political arm, the National
Democratic Front (NDF) in the war on drugs. It advanced the earlier theory that
Duterte was once an NDF member.
23. Read: https://www.rappler.com/nation/list-reports-documentation-rodrigo-duterte-drug-war-killings/
24. https://web.archive.org/web/20211005025425/https://www.sunstar.com.ph/article/91769/Business/Evasco-leads-Kilusang-Pagbabago-launch
25. The context of the bloody drug war is
discussed by outgoing ICC Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda in her report to the
ICC Pre-Trial Chamber on June 14, 2021, or a day before she officially retired
as Chief Prosecutor. Her report provides a context why the ICC should conduct
formal investigation on Duterte’s war on drugs. For details, read:
26. https://www.icc-cpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2021_05381.PDF
Read also
these links: https://theasiadialogue.com/2017/04/20/dutertes-ambiguous-strategy-against-the-cpp-npa-ndf/
https://thediplomat.com/2017/05/is-the-philippines-duterte-really-a-leftist/
28. The author personally met the four
mothers of their sons, who were slain by police officers in connection with
Duterte’s bloody but failed war on drugs. They voluntarily gave statements to
the author. They claimed their statements were no different from the statements
they earlier gave to a civil society, which forwarded them to the office of now
retired ICC Special Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda.
29. Jenner, Matthew S. (2011) "International Drug Trafficking: A Global Problem with a Domestic Solution,"Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies: Vol. 18 : Iss. 2 , Article 10.
Link at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls/vol18/iss2/10
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Human Rights Watch Report of 2022: https://d-nb.info/1124904387/34
“If You Are Poor, You Are Killed: Extrajudicial Executions in the Philippines ‘War on Drugs’,” Report on the Philippines by Amnesty International
http://fileserver.idpc.net/library/philippines_ejk_report_v19_final_0.pdf
“License to Kill” Philippine Killings on Duterte’s “War on Drugs: by Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/philippines0317_insert.pdf
