THE HUMOR OF AMANG RODRIGUEZ

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

ONE of the most colorful persons to have graced Philippine politics was a humble man named Eulogio Rodriguez Sr. A son of Rizal province, Rodriguez, who was "Amang to friends and foes, had a political career that spanned both the prewar and post war eras. He was the longest tenured Senate president. He held the post for over ten years until Ferdinand Marcos replaced him in a turbulent takeover.

Amang Rodriguez, for whom a major thoroughfare in Quezon City has been named (remember E-Rod?), was reputed for his unparalleled sense of humor. He could make people laugh with his special humor. There were many humorous vignettes about him. No, Amang was much intelligent than the likes of Tito Sotto, Manny Pacquiao, Migs Zubiri, or even the sick old man of the South, who did not bother to run for senator and was never elected as one. Tito, Manny, Migs, among others could be regarded as dumb but not humorous.

Although elected senator under the Liberal Party, Ferdinand Marcos joined the Nacionalista Party in 1963 to become its standard bearer in the 1965 presidential elections against incumbent president Diosdado Macapagal. Amang Rodriguez, dubbed as "Mr. Nacionalista for his party loyalty, opposed Ferdinand Marcos, uttering the prophetic words: "luluha tayo ng dugo diyan." Amang did not like Marcos because it was Marcos who took his place as Senate president. But Marcos knew how to charm his opponents.

Together with his chief party backer, the Speaker Jose Laurel Jr., Ferdinand Marcos went to Amang Rodriguez's residence in New Manila to ease the pain of having an opponent as his party ally. But Amang refused entry to his uninvited guest. He feigned illness, but not without telling one of his kasambahays, a male, to face Pepito Laurel and Marcos to tell he was ill. "Maysakit po si Sir. Under seduction siya," the kasambahay told the two politicians. Even Marcos narrated this anecdote in his speaking engagements when he became dictator.

Amang Rodriguez was always patronizing to reporters, who covered the Senate, but in a different way. While he was a perfect gentleman to lady reporters, he was irreverent to the men. He called "Kupal" every male reporter who covered to the Senate during those days. In return, every male reporter called him "Kupal" too. He never lost his cool to journalists; he never sued any journalist for libel.

The late Maning Almario, a journalist who happened to know personally Amang Rodriguez, once narrated how he warned journalists, who were about to partake a whole lechon baboy. "Don't eat too much lechon, guys. It has plenty of collateral," Ka Maning quoted Amang as telling them. They all laughed.

Another vignette was how he chided a local official and partymate, who always narrated complaints about the Nacionalista Party. "I don't want to talk to you. You have many reclamations," Amang told him. In another instance, he coined a new word "ejempol," which was a odd mixture of Spanish and English words for example.

It was in a bitter debate with Senator Cipriano Primicias Sr. that Amang cemented his humorous and disarming style. In the middle of plenary debates and interpellation, where Amang was defending a bill he authored, Primicias stood to point out many errors in the proposed measure. Amang was so embarrassed by the mistakes, but not without leaving the Senate hall with a humorous line. "Yes, I made a mistake in the bill, Your Honor. I stand erected," Amang said with an air of contrition.

BALUKTOT NA INTERPRETASYON

Ni Philip M. Lustre Jr.

(Pambungad na salita: Hindi ako magaling sa Bibliya. Mas lalong hindi ako nagmamagaling. Tulad ng ibang Cristiano, hinanap ko ang kasagutan sa ilang katanungan at agam-agam sa aking damdamin. Tama ba na suportahan ng isang Cristiano ang giyera kontra ilegal na droga at ang mga walang katapusang patayan ng mga pinaghinaaalang adik at tagatulak ng droga? Hinanap ko ang sagot. Isa si Pastor Richard Benitez ang nagbigay ng kasagutan na ikatutuwa ng aking puso at damdamin. Pakibasa na lang.)

HINDI ako komportable sa pagsuporta ng ilang alagad ng Simbahang Catolico at pastor ng mga grupong Cristiano sa maramihang pagpaslang ng mga adik at pinaghinalaang tagatulak ng ilegal na droga Hindi ako makapaniwala sa kanilang paninindigan na sumusuporta sa bigong digmaan kontra droga ng gobyernong Duterte.

Magkasalungat ang mga aral ng Simbahang Catolico at mga grupong Cristiano sa bigong giyera kontra droga. Itinuturo ng Simbahang Katoliko at grupong Cristiano ang pagmamahal sa kapwa at pagbibigay suporta at tulong sa mga kapus-palad. Hhindi tugma ang mga aral at doktrina sa malawakang pagpatay sa mga pinaghihinalaang adik at tagatulak ng droga. Hindi magkatugma ang mahalin ang kapwa habang may pinupuksa ang mga tao na ang tanging batayan ay pinaghihinalaang silang sangkot sa ilegal na droga. Hindi ako pumapayag na patayin na mistulang mga manok at baboy batay lamang sa hinala.

Tinanong ko si Richard Benitez, isang pastor ng Gospel of Grace Baptist Church tungkol sa paninindigan ng mga konserbatibong alagad ng Simbahan at grupong Cristiano sa giyera kontra droga. Tahasan niyang sinabi na umuugat ang suliranin sa baluktot ng interpretasyon ng Bibliya. Nababatay sa Bibliya ang maraming aral ng mga grupong Kristiyano. Ito ang dahilan kaya tinagurian silang Christian fundamentalist.

Ayon kay Pastor Richard, umuugat ng isyu sa Romans 13:1-7 na may talata tungkol sa katapatan ng mga nasasakupan at mga umuugit ng pamahalaan. Ito ang sabi ng Bibliya:

13 Let every person be subject to the governing authorities. For there is no authority except from God, and those that exist have been instituted by God. 2 Therefore whoever resists the authorities resists what God has appointed, and those who resist will incur judgment. 3 For rulers are not a terror to good conduct, but to bad. Would you have no fear of the one who is in authority? Then do what is good, and you will receive his approval, 4 for he is God's servant for your good. But if you do wrong, be afraid, for he does not bear the sword in vain. For he is the servant of God, an avenger who carries out God's wrath on the wrongdoer. 5 Therefore one must be in subjection, not only to avoid God's wrath but also for the sake of conscience. 6 For because of this you also pay taxes, for the authorities are ministers of God, attending to this very thing. 7 Pay to all what is owed to them: taxes to whom taxes are owed, revenue to whom revenue is owed, respect to whom respect is owed, honor to whom honor is owed.

Mukhang literal ang unawa ng mga ilang Catolico at Cristiano sa mga nabanggit ng berso ng Bbliya, ani Pastor Richard. May konteksto itong mga berso ng Bibliya, aniya. Hindi ito maaaring lubos-lubusang tanggapin at sundin ng sinumang Catolico at Cristiano. Hindi ito nangangahulugan na pagsunod sa mga lider ng isang pamahalaan na mapang-api at abusado. Hindi ito berso para sundin ang mga gobyerno na kumikitil sa mismong mga mamamayan.

Ipinaliwanag ni Pastor Richard na ang awtoridad ay hindi ang mga Romano kundi ang mga taong simbahan (o sinagoga) na pinagkanlungan ng mga naunang Cristiano at Hudyo. Sang-ayon sa pastor, iminungkahi ni Pablo, ang alagad n Hesukristo na sumulat ng berso, na sumunod sa batas ng Hudyo ang mga naunang Cristiano at Hudyo kahit na nasa Roma sila. Magkaiba ang batas ng Hudyo at batas ng mga Romano. Itinuturing ang batas ng Husyo na mas mataas sapagkat kinilala ito bilang batas na mula sa langit at sugo ng Dios ang mga alagad ng simbahan at sinagoga.

Isa itong bagay na hindi nauunawan ng mga alagad ng Simbahang Catolico at mga pastor ng iba’t-ibang Christian ministry. Ang buong akala nila nila ay marapat sumang-ayon sa isang gobyernong mapaniil. Ginawa pa nilang basehan ang mga talata sa pikit-matang pagsunod sa gobyerno ni Rodrigo Duterte at pagsang-ayon at suporta sa walang habas na patayan sa ilalim ng bigong giyera kontra droga.

Para kay Pastor Richard Benitez, walang basehan sa Bibliya ang pagsuporta sa giyera kontra ilegal na droga. Marapat lamang itakwil at kondenahin ang bigong giyera na nagduot lamang ng kasawian sa maraming magulang, kaanak, at kaibigan ng mga biktima.

Ayon kay Cesar Evangelista Buendia, isang kaibigan at kapwa netizen: “Show me a Christian, who in spite of knowing Duterte is a killer, still supports him and I’ll show you a fake Christian.” 

OPINION WRITING IN MODERN-DAY ERA

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

THE late Teodoro Valencia, an apologist of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, once wrote in his daily column in the martial law Daily Express newspaper that it was easy to write opinion pieces. He was correct.

During the martial law era (1972-1986), Marcos allowed only three newspapers to exist. Ka Doroy, as he was intimately called during those days, had captive readers, who has to endure his bellyaching ways because his daily column was one of the very few they could read.

Had Valencia lived to this day, he would not probably say the same thing. The restoration of democracy and the subsequent reopening of the democratic space here have led to the proliferation of many dailies, which keep on competing in the proverbial marketplace of ideas.

The same thing has happened in broadcast media. Dime a dozen radio and TV commentators have appeared, providing nuggets of opinion as if they have the divine right to pontificate and legislate on which is right and appropriate for the people.

There is an excessive pomp and weirdness in the various ways they express their views.

The nontraditional media has led to the introduction of social media, a new communications platform allowing every netizen to express his views, while he ingest news and other info on a 24/7 cycle. Social media has empowered the netizens, making them a caste of opinion leaders in their own right.

A thousand flowers have bloomed and blossomed as a result of the restoration of the freedom of expression and press freedom since 1986, the year the EDSA People Power Revolution happened and toppled he Marcos dictatorship. But it is equally important to distinguish the weeds from the flowers and pluck them out as well.

In these days of social media, where everybody could be an opinion writer, it is important to distinguish the quality of sustainable opinions.

While it is indeed easy to write an opinion article, the point is that it is not easy to write and provide opinion pieces that are worth reading or hearing.

Also, it is not easy to sustain a readable opinion column. In the current democratic structure, opinion writers are too many. But opinion writers, who are worth reading, are definitely few and difficult to find.

In a rambunctious political culture like ours, it is common to see people, who pretend to be opinion writers in traditional and nontraditional media, including social media.

It is the task of every reader and netizen to discern the pretenders from the genuine.

While one is free to express his opinion in a free country like ours, it is not easy to find opinions that could be regarded as illuminating, enlightening, or even refreshing to a hungry intellect.

As every student of opinion writing says, a reader may read an opinion writer on the first day he sees him on the pages of a newspaper. But he won’t read him the next day, if he finds him boring and obnoxious.

The same thing happens to an equally obnoxious but opinionated netizen in social media.

Opinion writing belongs to the beyond the news genre. Opinions usually follow published or aired news. While it constitutes the reaction to published or aired news, an opinion is basically an evaluation, assessment, interpretation, analysis, critique, or whatever of a given news or issue.

Opinion writers and commentators, whether in traditional or social media, lead in molding public opinion on certain issues. But it is wrong to conclude that their opinions constitute public opinion. What they write are their personal opinions, which are hardly representative of public opinion.

Public opinion is composed of many voices flowing in a single stream. It could be the personal voices of ordinary citizens, or the collective opinions of community and political leaders. Or it could also be the voices coming from various sectors and institutions – the Church, Congress, judiciary, civil society, labor, youth, peasant, among others.

Please don't forget social media. The opinions expressed in social networking sites like Facebook, Twitters, Instagram, among others, also constitute public opinion.

When all these voices flow in a single stream, we see the creation of public opinion. It has its own dynamics. The varying voices could cascade into a single stream to mold public opinions.

Gauging the formation of public opinion is a matter of gut feel. It does not have a complete science, although it could be discerned by the numerous voices coming out from various people, sectors, and institutions on a given issue at a given time.

Competent opinion writers and netizens become opinion leaders in their own right as they guide the public in molding public opinion through their opinion pieces.

Readers and netizens could judge competent and qualified opinion writers by the clarity of thought, strength of argument, sense of objectivity, and specific vantage point which they assume as they explain the burning issues of the day.

Competent opinion writers and opinionated netizens comment on events that have happened or about to happen. They don’t write on something hypothetical or speculative in nature. In short, they do not dignify speculations nor treat them as real.

Also, they do not pretend to be knowledgeable about certain issues. While they could be maverick in their views, cold and hard boiled in presenting issues, or passionate in advancing their advocacy, they are humble on issues they hardly know.

In short, competent opinion writers are rare. What we see on the horizon are pretenders, or apologists of certain vested interests, who hardly speak with the passion, tone, timbre, and logic of a genuine opinion leader.

TRIBUTE TO SONNY ALVAREZ: ‘HEHE’ IS OUR MAN

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

POLITICAL journalists called him “Hehe.” Pampango-speaking journalists called him “Labul” (wind) or “Malabul) (windy). They were not labels of disrespect, derision, and disdain. They were unofficial conferment of irreverence that bordered on insanity, endearment and fondness – all combined although not exactly in that order.

Journalists are basically irreverent. They have a hard time giving respect, much less submission, to authority or anybody who stands for it. They are creatures of hard-boiled cynicism. A journalist who sugar coats the words that come out from his pen is a failed journalist.

Heherson T. Alvarez, freedom fighter, political activist, senator and Cabinet secretary, champion of agrarian reform, and climate change advocate, has earned the unsavory epithets. Why not Throughout his public life, Heherson Alvarez, or Sonny to friends and foes alike, always came out flamboyant and flashy with his politics and advocacy, but impeccably precise and brilliantly swinging.

I came to know Sonny Alvarez, when I covered for the defunct Philippine Daily Globe newspaper the 8th Congress, particularly the Senate, which was formed after the Feb. 7, 1987 ratification of the Constitution. True to her promise, President Cory Aquino immediately called sometime in May the elections of lawmakers who would comprise the first post-Marcos Congress.

The creation of a new Congress was among the series of moves Cory Aquino took to establish a constitutional government replacing the Marcos dictatorship. The elections took place without many hitches. To my recollection, Sonny Alvarez came out brilliantly swinging, as he placed 8th of the 24 senators, who composed the first post-Marcos Senate.

Since I was a daily fixture when I pounded the Senate beat for my newspaper, Sonny Alvarez went out of his way to introduce himself. Senators had to establish rapport with the working press to convey their messages to our people. We function as their link to the people.

Cleverly dressed in his business suit shortly before the opening of the plenary session, Sonny approached me in the press box, introduced himself, and offered his hand in a gesture of goodwill. I gladly obliged with a handshake and big smile, but not without taking my own sweet way to establish rapport with him. I told him I knew him since way, way back when he was a delegate of the 1971 Constitutional Convention that drafted the 1973 Constitution.

That was in 1971. I was a college freshman in a big university when I watched the debate between him and Salvador Britannico, a fellow delegate in the Convention, in the university theater. The debate was about the U.S. military bases in the Philippines, which were controversial because of the abuses allegedly committed by U.S servicemen here. Besides, they symbolized U.S. imperialism, which during those days was a dirty phrase.

I told Sonny how he argued vigorously for the dismantling of the American bases in our country. I did not know that I struck a soft spot in his heart. Why not? Sonny, wife Cecilia Gudote, and children Hexilon and Hexilia just returned to the Philippines from political exile since 1972 in the U. S. They returned after 14 years of absence immediately after the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution that toppled the detested Marcos dictatorship. Cory Aquino subsequently named him secretary of agrarian reform in the revolutionary government that replaced the Marcos dictatorship.

Those days, few people remembered Sonny and Cecille, an accomplished advocate of the performing arts, particularly the theater. They were reacquainting with the Philippines and its people. They were in process of reestablishing new connections. How a 33-year old journalist came to know him was a pleasant surprise, or even a serendipity for Sonny. He did not expect it. I surprised him with my repartee.

The get-to-know-you meeting was followed by more intimate meetings, where, along with other Senate beat reporters, interviewed him on a variety of issues. In one of those dinners he hosted for journalists, Sonny Alvarez took pleasure to explain that the period prior to the 1972 declaration of martial law era was among the best years of his life.

He fought the looming dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos and his abuses, arguing before the Convention the inclusion of a transitory provision that would ban Ferdinand and wife Imelda from running for president in 1973. He also called for the dismantling of U.S. bases here. To end the issue of feudalism that beset the country during those days. Sonny Alvarez called for the redistribution of those big parcels of land to the landless tenants. It was an advocacy that he brought to the Senate when he became a lawmaker.

Sonny Alvarez recalled how he was invited by various student organizations and groups to speak on many issues during those days. Charismatic, handsome, and dashing, Sonny was the darling of the students and young intellectuals, as the country had the intellectual ferment of his era. Political activism was on an upswing. He was part of it.

Ferdinand Marcos answered the simmering tempest of those days with his own “revolution” – a counterfeit one as described by some quarters and historians. On Sept. 21, 1972, Marcos declared martial law not to meet the brewing communist insurgency, which he claimed was part of his “democratic revolution,” but to perpetuate himself in power. Sonny and wife Cecille escaped to the U.S., tricking the Marcos minions, who were then hot on their tracks.

Although Sonny and Cecille were engaged to get married, the couple had to advance their wedding schedule because of the exigencies of those days. Shortly before they left for the States, they did what is called “matrimonio de consciencia,” or marriage by conscience, where a couple gets married without proper documentation. The bells did not toll when they got married in a midnight rite officiated by a priest, who was their personal friend. It was an emergency marriage.

Incidentally, Sonny Alvarez was one of the very few, who refused to sign the 1973 Constitution. He was correct. That constitution became the constitution of the Marcos dictatorship. Had he signed it, his name would be regarded as one of the villains in history.

Sonny and Cecille lived together just like any married couple in the States. But they were political exiles. Like the other exiles, they were hounded by Marcos and his ilk there. In the interregnum between 1972 and 1986, Sonny Alvarez, along with fellow exile Raul Manglapus, led the U.S.-based political opposition to the Marcos dictatorship. They did lobbying works, informing the American public and U.S lawmakers about the conditions in the Philippines and the excesses of the Marcoses, and influencing their decisions when the issue of military aid was taken in the U.S. Congress.

Sonny Alvarez told me several secrets about the other Filipinos, who either migrated or worked in the U.S. The late former Manila Mayor Antonio Villegas, who left for the States after his defeat in 1971 to become a successful real estate agent there was “a complete asshole,” who avoided Filipino oppositionists like lepers. It was all for Yeba, his nickname, Sonny said with an air of disdain and derision. He did nothing but to enrich himself there. He was so filthy rich and comfortable to the point that he did not care for the Filipinos back home, he said.

The late Rafael Salas, the alleged technocrat and executive secretary, who left Marcos in 1969 to join the United Nations, was a “coward.” In two or three times they met to solicit support for the U.S. political opposition, or possibly join their ranks, Paeng Salas never gave any semblance of support; he never gave any commitment. When they met at certain rendezvous, Paeng Salas was nervous to the point of being paranoid. He was afraid that some agents of Marcos had tailed him. “Nerbiyoso iyon,” he said.

Ninoy Aquino, who went to the U.S. as an exile, and wife Cory took a liking of Sonny Alvarez. They worked together in the fight against the Marcos dictatorship. Because he was younger and more energetic, Sonny Alvarez served as sort of Ninoy Aquino’s secretary and assistant, although it was never officially conferred. Sonny Alvarez claimed Cory Aquino liked him because he did the laundry of his clothes when he stayed with them in their house in Boston. "Hindi ko siya pinaglaba ng mga damit ko," he said.

Cory Aquino did not like the idea that she did the laundry of the clothes of some compatriots when they were in the Aquinos’ house. She did not forget them when she became president. Yes, Sonny gave the names of abusive transients in the Aquinos’ abode in Boston. Not one of them got any appointment in her government. The Alvarez family went home soon after the EDSA People Revolution.

Essentially, each senator stood for specific advocacy or vision and mission in their incumbency. For his part, Sonny Alvarez fought for agrarian reform. He was the principal author of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law, the landmark legislation that seeks to break the farmers’ bondage to the soil. For three or four months, Sonny Alvarez stood on the Senate floor to defend and push for enactment of the omnibus law.

He also chaired inquiries “in aid of legislation” of several issues notably the scandal on the sale of pieces of lands for agrarian reform. It was a scandal that led to the resignations of key officials of the Department of Agrarian Reform. It was discovered in the inquiry that the lands acquired by the government for farmers were in the mountains, and ergo, were not arable for farming.

But what surprises me until this day was his unusual capacity for marathon public hearings. Sonny chaired public hearings that lasted for seven or eight hours each. Yet, he came out of the public hearings with sufficient summations of the major points raised in the congressional inquiries. I did not see any other senator who could hold public hearings that last for eight hours. Sonny Alvarez was exceptional for his staying power in those punishing public heaings.

Sonny Alvarez was always vocal of his views regarding his colleagues in the 8th Congress. Jovito Salonga was a picture of moral rectitude, while Sotero Laurel was the man of the world, who knew dancing, singing, and practically everything about being human. He did not like Erap Estrada, as he described his Senate seat as" almost vacant."

He held the two lady senators - Letty Shahani and Santanina Rasul - in esteem and respect, but reserved unsavory remarks about Ernie Maceda, whom he regarded as too astute and political. I once saw him arguing bellicosely with Rene Saguisag on a matter of diverging opinions. No, he did not hold high opinion for Orly Mercado, but liked Tito Guingona for his fierce stand on graft in government.

In 1995, Sonny Alvarez and I went to Tahiti, one of the main islands in French Polynesia, to witness the protests of the Pacific Islanders on the underwater tests of France’s nuclear weapons. He talked to some local leaders there, while I did the news coverage. The news articles I wrote were carried by several newspapers here. By that time, Sonny Alvarez has opened a new vista for advocacy: climate change. It was an advocacy that he has carried until his death.

We stayed five days in that exotic island populated by seafaring Polynesians, who were said to have come from the Philippines and Indonesia. It was a time to know him better as we stayed together. We talked a lot of subjects during that brief sojourn, particularly his life as exile in the States and a sidekick of Ninoy Aquino in the States.

Going back to the opening paragraph of this tribute, irreverent journalists called him “Hehe,” not to laugh at him but to pay tribute to his parents, who coined He-Her-Son as the name of their son. It was unique; his parents were even ahead of the time. Hehe was the abbreviated form of his first name.

Journalists with Pampango roots could not help but notice his bravado when he came out with those astounding pronouncements. He could steal the thunder, so to speak. His statement usually come like gusts of a strong wind.

Farewell, Sonny, my friend. I feel sad that we did not have the chance to talk to each other over the last few years. But this is life at its purest. See you in some other time.

INDUSTRIAL PEACE?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

CAN the private firm’s preference for members of a particular religious sect be considered a form of discrimination in its employment of workers?

Yes, I raised this question in a media forum, where newsmakers and other news sources explain their sides on nagging issues confronting the nation.

Although I did not mention the religious sect, it was obvious I was referring to the Iglesia ni Cristo, the members of which are usually the preferred employees of several firms, notable of which is the SM chain of malls nationwide.

My question perked up Daniel Edralin, a prominent labor leader in the hotel industry, who acknowledged that the SM’s chain of malls has provided INC members with regular employment and income.

Edralin did not directly answer my question but he took pains to lay down the premises, as he dispassionately explained the circumstances for SM’s perceptible preference of INC members to comprise the main bulk of its workforce.

According to him, SM keeps on employing INC members because of their docile, uncomplaining attitude towards top management and terms of their employment. Influenced by their leaders, INC members believe it is against their religious doctrines to complain against their employers and even the terms of their employment.

This is a reason contractualization continues to thrive in private firms like SM, Edralin said, as he stressed the prevalence there of “endo,” or “end of contract,” where employees, although they do core functions, are contractual workers, whose employment is good for only five months.

Edralin said SM hires those INC members mainly for pragmatic purposes. This is to prevent SM workers to form unions or groups that would oppose contractualization, or the “endo system.”

Under the Labor Code, workers in a particular firm are required to hold elections through secret balloting to determine whether or not they want to form a labor union. It requires a simple majority, or 50 percent plus one of all cast votes to create a labor union, Edralin said.

Knowing that INC members would not vote to join labor unions because it is against their religious doctrines, SM has indeed taken a preference for SM members in the recruitment of its working staff, Edralin said.

It could be viewed as a form of discrimination, but the problem is that no particular workers have come out in the open to lodge a protest against SM before any legitimate forum, Edralin said.

In so many words, Edralin confirmed that such preference could be a form of discrimination, although he did not categorically said it was indeed illegal. In the absence of any jurisprudence on the issue, the conclusion of its illegality could not be drawn.

I am not particular about provision of the Labor Code particularly on the provisions that speak of constitutes discrimination in employment. 😳😳😳

'GOD SEES THE TRUTH BUT WAITS'

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

THAT day - Oct. 4, 2017 - is clearly etched in my memory. It was a televised public hearing at the Senate. It was supposed to be a public hearing on the proliferation of fake news, but Grace Poe, the pretentious but underachieving senator, went out of bounce by openly praising RJ Nieto, the pro-government blogger who goes by the mocking name "Thinking Pinoy" (or Stinking Pinoy), for his "excellent research" and "neutrality."

Grace Poe is not known for sarcasm. She does not possess the intellectual savvy and sophistication to grasp the magic of words. A former preschool teacher, Grace Poe appears to have developed quite a limited range of ways to express her equally limited thoughts. Her words could be therefore construed as her views of the world. They hardly elicit any enigma, or stimulate the deeper recesses of the intellect. She is no intellectual. Mababaw, as we say it in Tagalog.

“You know we may or may not agree with you. But if there’s anything, you do excellent research and that’s the truth. You do excellent research – sometimes against us, sometimes for us,” Poe said. Poe, who chaired the Senate committee on public information, held three public hearings on fake news. But they resulted in zero accomplishment. They were not in aid of legislation as earter bruited about; they were in aid of her reelection, as he won in 2019 midterm elections.

At one point, RJ Nieto, or Stinking Pinoy, did not lose the air of a braggadocio. The windbag Nieto said the monthly retainer fee of P12,000 he received those days from the Department of Foreign Affairs as "consultant" was just a "pittance." "Kulang pang pantaksi," he said to confirm that he did not drive. He soared a little higher by saying "the DFA needs me more than I need them."

His ego trip did not end there. "Hindi po ako nagyayabang (I'm not bragging), I have 700,000 followers, and my engagement is equal to about Inquirer plus Rappler, my engagement on Facebook, and I basically want to lend my platform so that we can reach out easier to OFWs." It was his way to say he was being paid for his blogs and that makes him mercenary. He openly bragged he had more readers than the Philippine Daily Inquirer. I could only puke at the pontifications of this asshole. Saksakan ng hangin. Punong-puno ng kayabangan ang katawan.

Why not? They were sitting on top of the world during those halcyon days. In their obfuscated views, they would never go wrong. Even Rodrigo Duterte owes his political victory in 2016 to their skillful manipulations of public opinion. These pro-government bloggers even thought they were God's gift to Philippine politics. They thought they could do anything and everything they wanted and put in Malacanang whoever they would fancy and support.

Then, the world of those pro-government bloggers has started to cave in. The institution of fact checks in 2018 is among the first in a series of blows that have clipped their wings. Fact checking has enabled major media institutions to conduct probes on the authenticity of facts and veracity of their blogs and claims. Hence, the likes of media entities like rappler.com, VeraFiles, and Agence France Presse have been empowered to declare "FAKE" (in big bold letters) whenever these pro-government bloggers come out with fake news. Mocha was among the first victims of fake checks.

No, we did not need the intellectually challenged Grace Poe to tell us how to discern fake news and what to do with them. She is a fraud and has remained useless (until now) for the Filipino people.

The world of those pro-government bloggers, who have become specialists in fake news, has further caved in when social networking sites like Facebook have taken down en masse websites of fake news and fake accounts. The cleansing process has defanged pro-government entities whose business was mainly to come with every conceivable fake news to fool the world. Suddenly, they have become toothless and powerless. Where before they were the proverbial hunters, they have become the hunted and dispossessed.

Those pro-government bloggers have suddenly become irrelevant. They are no longer in the mainstream. They have been relegated to the fringes. Modern technology has its ways of correcting itself of its mistakes and excesses. In the 2019 midterm elections, those pro-government bloggers hardly played a role. It was Comelec which did the magic in its seven hour glitch where fake senators won.

Still, I am reminded by the title of Leo Tolstoy's classic short story: "God Sees the Truth But Waits." 😧😧😧

AFTER THE LOCKDOWN WHAT?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

The first extension of the lockdown is about to end by April 30. Yet, it could not be ascertained if a second extension would be necessary. This is an unsettled issue within the Duterte administration.

The dynamics within the largely dysfunctional government has been upsetting, to say the least. At the one end, Sonny Dominguez, the chief revenue guy, was said to have been arguing for another lockdown extension until mid-May, saying the government has sufficient funds to subsidize the requirements of the majority – the poor.

Dominguez was said to have favored a second lockdown extension mainly to avoid a “second strike,” a concept similar to a relapse when new outbreaks among the local population occur to trigger a new and longer lockdown.

But Dominguez was said to have favored the reopening of the national economy after the second lockdown extension provided that it would have to be gradual. He has proposed of another round of increasing the excise taxes on cigarettes, beer, and alcoholic drinks to finance the lockdown, but his proposal has been rebuffed in the Cabinet.

On the other end, certain Cabinet members who have gravitated to Ernesto Pernia, the economic planning secretary who resigned earlier, wanted to jumpstart the Philippine economy by end-April to bring back its usual vigor and dynamism.

DILG Secretary Ed Ano was said to have joined Pernia, as he insisted that a second local extension would not be sustainable. There are views that extending the lockdown would greatly affect he poor and downtrodden. They will die of hunger, not the dreaded virus, a source said.

The dynamics of debates could not lead to anything concrete on policy decisions because of two essential unresolved issues:

1. The lack of reliable baseline data that could be used for policy-making; and
2. The failure of the national health system to contain the spread of the China-Duterte Virus.

Because of the two factors, the administration of the sick crazy old man has yet to come out with a national emergency action program to combat the dreaded virus.

The Inter-Agency Task Force to Combat Emerging Infectious Diseases (IATF), composed of five retired military generals, has yet to fulfill its mandate to serve as the crisis committee of sort on the development of the emergency program that has to be pursued on a nationwide scale.

According to another source, the daily count of the Department of Health hardly provides the overall picture that could be used for developing the national action program. It could not be ascertained whether current efforts have somehow “flattened the curve” on the basis of the DoH data, the source sid.

The national action program includes the curative aspect where victims are segregated from the population and treated during the lockdown period. It also includes to the rehabilitation aspect in the post-lockdown era. It could include community programs mainly to bring back normalcy to affected communities.

But what nags the issue of a national action program is DoH’s inability to contain the disease and use the DoH organization to nip it in the bud. It could not provide the essential requirements like PPEs and other equipment for the frontline medical workers.The inability of the DoH to conduct and facilitate mass testing is another unresolved issue.

It has been claimed the DoH suffers from poor leadership and lack of foresight. Francisco Duque III is notorious for incompetence. He is described the weak link in the current lockdown program.

So what will happen after the lockdown?

Even the top officials are lost and confused. The sick crazy old man could not even comprehend the extent of the crisis. This is a question that would remain a question for the coming days. In the absence of reliable official data, they have to be play it by ear, or gut feel.

WHAT MARTIAL LAW?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

SINCE yesterday, I have been receiving the purported “leaked memo” from the PAF re martial law. Since I did not open it, I did not know its contents. I was not even sure how I would describe the leaked memo (why “leaked, I truly don’t know, but that was how they added mystique to a simple piece of paper).

I told several netizen-friends, who shared on separate occasions the memo to me, that I, in no uncertain terms, refused to dignify that piece of paper. Why should I? The 1987 Constitution is clear on the grounds for martial law. The incumbent president can only declare martial law on two major grounds: lawlessness and amed invasion or rebellion. Neither of the two conditions exists. Moreover, the Constitution does no mention any epidemic or pandemic as ground for martial law. Why martial law declaration?

Those pictures showing Filipino people going out despite the lockdown were fake news. They were taken before the pandemic. My lady friend Nangni clearly pointed out in a vigorous exchanges of PMs that it was near to impossible for those people to mill around those public markets. Bolstering their fake nature, Nangni pointed out the sheer number of soldiers and police officers who have put checkpoints and other barricades to minimize mobility of the people they have sworn to serve.

Granting that those picture were authentic, it could be argued too that the people were not resorting to lawless violence. These people were buying foodstuffs to feed their hungry families. What’s wrong with feeding their families? They should be admired instead for their determination to feed their families in these trying times.

Moreover, I don’t want to engage in some sterile discussions. The lockdown is about to end by the end of April. Somehow, we have to resume our normal activity. We have to break those barricades and checkpoints to show a semblance of normalcy. The overwhelming show of police and military power would have to end.

Hence, the stupid use of military and police solution to an essentially a major health issue would have to end or minimize. The police and military institutions would have to take a backseat. It could be surmised the discussions on martial law declaration were their way to confer some relevance in a post-lockdown era.

Below is the constitutional provision on grounds for martial law declaration.

ARTICLE 7, SECTION 18. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all armed forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes necessary, he may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law. Within forty-eight hours from the proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, the President shall submit a report in person or in writing to the Congress. The Congress, voting jointly, by a vote of at least a majority of all its Members in regular or special session, may revoke such proclamation or suspension, which revocation shall not be set aside by the President. Upon the initiative of the President, the Congress may, in the same manner, extend such proclamation or suspension for a period to be determined by the Congress, if the invasion or rebellion shall persist and public safety requires it.

NEW WORDS IN THE TIME OF COVID-19

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

THE pandemic caused by the novel coronavirus Covid-19 has led to the emergence of new words and phrases to reflect a new emerging subculture, or a culture within a culture. These words and phrases are used within the context of the pandemic.

“Social distancing” tops the list. It means keeping a distance of two meters or more away from the next person to avoid viral contamination. “Physical distancing” is used as its equivalent.

“Invisible enemy” refers to the unseen virus. “Flatten the curve” is the immediate objective of any program or action plan to combat the pandemic. This phrase refers to the eventual decline of infected persons as shown on the graph.

The standard Merriam-Webster dictionary defines “quarantine” as “state of enforced isolation,” but when applied to the isolation of a specific community, the phrase is “communty quarantine.” When additional measures are being imposed, the phrase becomes “enhanced community quarantine.”

When a persons suspects he has symptoms of the destructive virus, he goes into “self-quarantine,” a situation of forced personal isolation for at least 14 days. When interpersed with some contacts and modifications, it is called “modified self-quarantine.” When pursued at home, it is “home quarantine.

“Lockdown” is the emergency protocol to prevent people from leaving an area, or community. It could be total or partial. When applied in the pandemic, total lockdown has been pusued for the mass quarantine, or complete isolation of a specific number of people.

Lockdown is pursued within a specific period of time. The period beyond its due date becomes “lockdown extension.”

The pandemic has altered the people’s behavior worldwide. The work place is an example. Many workers engage in what is called “work at home,” even as they receive “stay-at-home orders” from their superiors.

Anybody suspected of being infected of the dreaded virus is a “person under investigation,” or PUI. When his previous social contacts are being traced, he becomes a “person under monitoring,” or PUM.

Google defines curfew as “regulation requiring people to remain indoors between specified hours, typically at night.” But the pandemic has given rise to an ugly variant: “24-hour curfew,” which means people in a community should stay indoor for the entire day.

Those medical workers – doctors, nurses, lab technicians, assistants, and orderlies – who attend to Covid-19 patents are aptly called “frontline medical workers.” Since they put their lives on the line, they are described as “war heroes against Covid-19.”

Persons who are Covid-19 positive but keep on going out without respect to the safety protocols are called “VIPs,” but it does not mean the traditional “very important persons.” On the contrary, it means “very irresponsible persons.”

When an VIP named Koko Pimentel was diagnosed Covid 19-positive, many netizens gave him the sarcastic advice: “Stay positive.”  No, they did not mean that Koko stays mentally positive. Your guess is as good as the guess of anybody else.

‘Protect Vico” is the new phrase for an outstanding character in the fight against the virus. This is the 29-year old Vico Sotto, mayor of Pasig City.

MY COVENANT WITH GOD

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

BECAUSE of the unforeseen pandemic and lockdown, I had celebrated my 66th birthday without fanfare. But I’ve made it a point to pray hard and renew my earlier covenant with God, which is to dedicate the rest of my life to the cause of freedom and democracy in our country. That I would use my pen to write and communicate with our people to strengthen democracy and freedom in our country.

I am an old man, although I would insist I am healthy and energetic to advance the cause of freedom and democracy in our country. This is committed journalism for you, dear fellow netizens. I would join other advocates for freedom and democracy, good governance, and clean government. This is part of my covenant.

I am most grateful to the people who have greeted me. Thank you.

Over 1,000 friends, actual and virtual have greeted me on my natal day. Relatives from my mother and father sides, visible and long-lost, mostly younger than me, have posted birthday greetings. High school batchmates and co-alumni, and even contemporaries from the other high schools, here and abroad, have come to greet me too. Of course, It would be incomplete without mentioning my college contemporaries and friends, again here and abroad, have sent their greetings and best wishes.

I have received greetings and wishes from people whom I broke bread and toasted with bottles of beer and glasses of wine and other liquor (I've been a hard-drinking journalist all my life). Public officials, past and present, business executives, and professionals from the journalism community and other fields of endeavor are among my coterie of friends I have developed since I started walking on this planet. There were also a number of teenage friends and acquaintances with whom I shared secrets, among other things. Even my ex-gfs were around to greet me. A big number are virtual friends, or FB friends, with whom I've shared beliefs and advocacy. They are a bunch of wonderful people.

Their messages are most outstanding, reassuring, and reinvigorating. They are full of humor – divine and humanly. Some guys assuage my feeling of combined inadequacy and insecurity as I reach old age. 66? "Ah, numero lang iyan," said a netizen friend. "Bata ka pa," said another. Bata pa nga ba ako? I mused to myself. My back aches a lot, I must confess. Some friends thanked me for my "sacrifices." I began to wonder if I deserve those words, although a lawmaker friend noted I have stood in the fight when I should be relaxing at this stage in my life.

Quite a number of friends, particularly my regular readers, have egged me to continue the fight through my writings. I am no public official, albeit an elective one. I’m not elected to do the hard work, so to speak. But those words of encouragement could also be viewed as sort of mandate to complement what I strongly believe the mandate from Heaven. I see no way of saying no.

It's noteworthy to say that at 66, I still harbor existential questions. What's the point of standing out there when I could do some other things to the extent of having a more pleasure-oriented or epicurean lifestyle? That I would be standing there like an angry young man I was once four or five decades ago could baffle the peace in me.

We are all governed by our sense of values. We pursue our values. Hence, the answer is simple. I want to be with God. I want to be at peace with my God. That I would do things for the least of my brothers and sisters has always been the answer. That has always been part of my values.

Today at 66, I dedicate the rest of my life to freedom and democracy. I seek to enhance my committed journalism to the cause of our people. I seek to make my life more meaningful. I am with you, guys... Maraming salamat sa mga pagbati at papuri...

'TAMBALOSLOS’

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

(N.B. I've never encountered a single native word that been subjected to a thorough conceptual analysis. Whew!)

IN my youthful days, my late grandmother, a pure Pampaguena, scolded me for being haughty, naughty, and hyperactive. She used the pejorative word "saligawsaw," whenever I went out of bounds.

Being old school, Lola Felisa was a stickler to decorum, or else she would castigate me using that single Pampango word.

Ilocanos have an equivalent of that word. Kids, who have the propensity for lies and hyperactivity are called "salawasaw." The two words sound so similar. I have been a little fascinated to find out their equivalent in other dialects.

While in a taxicab in Davao City six years ago, I heard over the radio a commentator, who described and lambasted a bunch of truant local public officials there as "tambaloslos."

I immediately asked the driver about its meaning. Lo and behold, it was no different from the two pejorative words I have described. That word sounded fascinating for a Manileno like me.

I posted my impressions about that word in social media, particularly Facebook, and I got plenty of replies. Indeed, that word is part of the Visayan folklore.

From a high school batchmate: “Tambaloslos means naughty, haughty and hyperactive. You always have it with you: punishment andr aching wounds! Tambal goes together with, as in "katambal;” “los” is short for hambalos or punishment and the second “los” is “galos” or wounds.”

Another netizen said: “Tambaloslos is someone who is good for nothing.”

A netizen friend said that word is a Visayan word for a “super large penis,” but it also refers to a person, who is considered "worthless."

A seemingly angry netizen said: “You’re a pr*ck" in Bisaya "Tambaloslos ka"

A netizen, who claimed to be an Ilocano, digressed from the issue, saying "salawasaw" is one who “habitually utter, or speak foul words." It is the same as “bastos" in Tagalog.

Two Ilonggo netizens likewise digressed to offer the equivalent words in Hiligaynon. A netizen said Ilonggos tag a worthless person as “sariwa-ol," while another netizen said hyperactivity is "palakan," which is derived from word "palak," or unreasonable activity.

Other netizens had varying explanation of the “tambaloslos.” A netizen said: “Tambaloslos is a supernatural being who when you are walking alone in the wilderness makes you lose your way and then try to eat you. It will first peel itself begining from his lips all the way down until its skin is inside out. Such scary sight will surely make you lose your mind and that's when he starts to eat you.”

He continued: “The antidote to that sir if you can remember first before he eats you is by turning your clothes inside out fast before he does with his skin. And don't turn your clothes inside out again until you find your way home or your intended destination.”

Another netizen said: “Tambaloslos in Bikol folklore is a mythical creature whose main characteristic is a wide mouth that stretches from ear to ear and very thick lips that measures 2-3 inches (yes, somebody must have been crazy enough to measure with a ruler just to be exact).”

This supernatural being could be called “sarawayon” in Bicolano, another netizen said in a rejoinder. Or it could be likened to a “kapre” in Tagalog folklore, another netizen chimed in.

Another explanation by a netizen: Tambaloslos, in some sense, can be understood generally as "bayag mo, (your testicle).”

It appears this word has several meaning in the pejorative sense. It is even part of the Visayan folklore. 

'FIRST LADY' OR 'LABSKY'

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

IT was a quiet 2017 post on Facebook that sought the netizens’ opinion on how Honey Avancena, the presidential live-in partner, would be appropriately addressed. I didn’t know my post would stir a hornet’s nest, when a plethora of varied opinions came in to form the thread of my post.

Since Ms. Avancena has been visible in several state functions and since she has become the private nurse of the ailing but moody Rodrigo Duterte, I felt it would apt to discuss on what title she would carry. Calling her first lady would be inappropriate since the whole world knows that she and Duterte are not legally married.

Calling her the presidential common-law wife sounds grinding to the ears. Lawyer Lorna Kapunan earlier explained before a court of law that a common-law wife does not exist. It's fiction. It’s a mere euphemism for a mistress, or paramour. This was something I said on the thread of my earlier post.

Since I wrote the post, I had the first crack to give my opinion. I prefer to call her “presidential companion.” It sounds neutral and does not carry any burden. Other netizens suggest other titles. Eunice Barbara Novio, a Thailand-based writer and teacher, prefers “presidential consort,” which is also acceptable.

Columnist Mackoy Villaroman, blogger and opinion writer Belinda Olivares Cunanan, Dr. Emmanuel Lallana, a UP-based academic, and journalist Michael Alunan suggest separately the official title of “presidential partner.”

Philippine Daily Inquirer features writer Cathy Canares-Yamsuan proposes “de facto first lady,” citing the case of Valerie Trierweller who was called by French media by that title when she was living with President Francois Hollande.

But other came out with amusing titles, mostly irreverent. Writer Beting Dolor Laygo gives the title of “first mistress,” while writer and journalism teacher Mike Suarez proposes “presidential mistress,” which he justifies by taking mistress in its proper context, not the pejorative one we know today.

Netizen Eduardo del Rosario Jr. prefers “presidential live-in partner.” At least four netizens, including Marivic Agbayani, suggest “presidential jowa,” which sounds unappealing to the ears. High school batch mate Cecile Agobian mentions “presidential querida,” which means beloved in Portuguese.

Then, the purist, or prudish, give what appear to be mere alliterative rants: “kabit,” “kerida,” “kalunya,” “kulasisi,” and “kalapati” – words all starting with the letter k. They are too extreme, I told myself. A lawyer friend uses the phrase “toy girl.” No, please.

Others give amusing titles. Hataw publisher proposes “presidential love”; netizen and photography buff Chinggoy Castro, “significant other’; desk editor Julie Javellana Santos, “presidential concubine,” and Sybil Jane Pena, a medical doctor, “second lady.”

Netizen Marivic Agbayani proposes a nickname for her – “Messy,” which is a takeoff from “Missy,” the nickname of Lucy Mercer, US President Franklin Roosevelt’s social secretary and alleged lover. Missy served as hostess in the White House in the absence of first lady Eleanor Roosevelt.

Former bureaucrat Demaree Raval gives “current housemate,” writer Teddy Montelibano, “presidential syota”; high school batchmate Jun Sibug, “presidential kibitzer”; Ed Zafra, “first lady-in-waiting”; Evelyn Grimares Gonzales, “domestic partner”; Ivy Lisa Mendoza, “pambansang Kabitenya”; and Ernest Famatigan, “ex-future first lady.”

Jun Urbano, popularly known as Mr. Shooli,” could not help but express his compassion for Ms. Avancena, saying she does not deserves those negative comments. “But that goes with the territory,” he says.

For my part, I could not help but get a little humorous. I see humor as a weapon to keep my sanity intact in these trying times. I am about to change my mind, as I now prefer to call her a title proposed by witty People Journal’s columnist Mario Fetalino: “Labsky.”

But a lady friend cautions me that it’s a title that does not sound funny at all. It sounds as if she is a crossbreed of Labrador and Japanese Spitz dogs. There, it goes.

‘DALAW’, 'SUNDO’, ‘HATID’

By Philip Lustre Jr. 

NO, we did not have those cell phones, PCs, tablets and other gadgets to profess our undying love and affection to women of our choice. We did not have those social networking sites and other platforms to communicate unlike today.

Neither did we have those text messages using those nauseating text language and jejemonic mambo-jambos to express man’s noblest value - love. But we were imaginative during our days. That had made a lot of difference during our younger days, which were more than four or five decades ago.

Courtship during our younger days had followed certain set of rules unlike today. It had relied mainly on direct interpersonal relations and interaction. Because telephone lines were few, direct person-to-person communications was the preferred mode of courtship. But it was never easy. It was difficult, to say the least.

The rule was simple: if you wanted to win a young woman's heart and become your girlfriend, wife or whatever, you had to find ways to introduce yourself, gain her trust and confidence, and take your chances to get her sweet yes. Again, this was not easy. It was tedious and laborious.

I remember resorting to the usual “dalaw,” or regular visits to my first girlfriend. It was in the summer of 1968, when I introduced myself to a comely neighbor, who lived a dozen houses away from us in the busy street of Asuncion in Tondo.

She was tall and bosomy for her age; she had glistening brown skin and a pair of smiling eyes. But it did not stop the swagger in me to introduce myself to her. I was only 14, but I felt confident to own the world since I was already cut and had my own bleeding rite three summers ago.

Immediately after my self-introduction, I visited her almost daily at their house. Her parents were not around because of work, but her older siblings allowed my presence – or intrusion. They seemed to like me. I remember taking a bath and combing my hair before my daily visits.

Then, I wore my clothes as if I was a grownup man, or “binatang taring” as the old Tagalogs would say. Because, I did not have many clothes during those days, I wore my white polo shirts, which I also used as school uniforms. In hindsight, I looked like a choir boy, a perfect look to win a young woman's heart.

It was a brief summer fling, a case of momentary infatuation or “puppy love” that was not meant to become a full-blown romance. The heavy school workloads took a toll on us; we got busy and never resumed contact. We both did not have telephones at home, which could be a factor for the loss of love.

We have long left the place to settle elsewhere. But when I visited my relatives there nearly a decade ago, I saw my puppy love, a public school teacher, walking on the street to go home. No, she did not look paradoric or ballenic (or scandalously fat); she was slim with her bright brown skin. But she was tagging along two little kids, whom, I was told, were her grandkids. She is now a full-pledged lola, or grandma.

I was 16 and in fourth year high school when I started doing regular “dalaw” to my first love, a young lady, who was a trophy by all standards. I met her in late November, 1970 in a dance party at the house of a common friend In Quezon City, introduced myself, and formed a one-man barricade (or "bakod") – composed of me – on her. It was a glorious conquest, as I was the only guy whom she danced all night to her discomfiture and the other guys’.

I did the “ligaw Intsik” (Chinese courtship), arriving at 2 pm every Sunday only to leave their house in a middle class subdivision in Quezon City by dinner time, or 7 pm. Because of my persistence, she rewarded me with her sweet yes. But it was a romance that was not meant for us. The lure of political activism did not escape me; “Inang Bayan” had snatched me from her.

There were no bitter fights or recriminations between us; ours was a case of two people on wrong pages. We parted ways with regrets in my heart. She is now a registered nurse in the United States.

It took me sometime to court some ladies. But I usually went out with friends visiting some ladies in certain dormitories in the University Belt area. Later, I learned to make “sundo,” or fetching, where I took some lady friends to certain destinations, usually schools or homes. They were perfect occasions for conversations.

But communications were problematic during those days. We hardly had sufficient telephone lines; there were no cps or any of those things unlike today. Hence, there were no subsequent followups.Making appointments was difficult too.

Hence, I always ended up as “na-indiyan” (when the lady did not appear), or “nang-indiyan” (when I did not appear). There were also times when "parehong nang-indiyan" (neither appeared); it was technically a draw.

Later, I wondered why we use the term “indiyan” for the irresponsible habit of non-appearance on appointed time and place. The Indians did no wrong to us.

“Hatid,” or literally to take her home, was my strategy to show my interest to a damsel, who was not necessarily in distress. It was a perfect way to communicate with her.

Since I usually took night classes in college, I did this strategy with scintillating success, as I took home my classmates, who were objects of my interest. For them, I was “nagmamagandang loob,” but I was a vulture with an ulterior motive.

Doing "hatid" was a perfect opportunity to communicate what was inside a man's heart. But it also had its pitfalls. One time, I made "hatid" to one of the school librarians, who took notice of me because of my studious ways (laman ng library).

It was 6 pm, when her shift ended, but we detoured to land at St. Jude's Church, where we attended a novena and smelled burning incense. It became a practice every Thursday for the next four or five weeks. I kidded her that it was fine with me so long as we did not go to Baclaran.

"I was planning that we go there," she said. "Huwag," I told her. "Bakit?" she asked. "Baka tayo lumampas sa langit," I said in jest. I could not imagine attending two different novenas on two consecutive days every week.

One time, I took her home only to be greeted by her three brothers, who were having a drinking spree. They harassed me by asking my intention on their sister. I said I had no bad intention, which they did not believe anyway. It was the last time I saw her.

A few months later, I was told that she had married a drug detailman of uncommon ugliness. Whether they live happily ever after or not is something I do not know until now.

Comparing my personal experience with modern-day courtship, I could say that nothing beats personal interaction. All those person-to-person talks and conversations remain incomparable because of their intimacy and passion.

I still favor and prefer the old fashioned ways. I am old school. I rest my case.