‘MR. SHOOLI’ GOES ONLINE

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Blame it to the pandemic.

Veteran comedian, director, and pundit Jun Urbano, aka “Mr. Shooli,” was doing nothing during the lockdown arising from the pandemic caused by the so-called China-Duterte Virus (or Covid-19) when he had thought of reviving the famed “Mongolian Barbecue,” the TV satire program of the 1980s.

“Wala akong ginagawa (I was doing nothing). I was unhappily retired,” Mr. Urbano says when asked what has motivated him to revive the TV satire program and Mr. Shooli, the loquacious but intelligent main character of that TV program.

Mr. Urbano says he wants to contribute his share to the national discourse on nagging issues confronting the country, but “I do not want to lecture.” That is the reason he had thought of bringing back Mr. Shooli to the public limelight. He has decided to talk through Mr. Shooli.

But reviving Mongolian Barbecue and bringing back Mr. Shooli to public consciousness were easier said than done. No TV network was willing to gamble on a TV program that has been out of public view for three decades. The commercial aspect was too obvious to ignore.

Besides, Mr. Urbano admits he is now 81. Young people, or the –so-called “millennials,” hardly know him. They have a vague idea of Mr. Shooli, the character whom he had created when he was 50 years old. But he is determined to reintroduce himself to the new audience by being truthful and politically correct. He knows he is on the right side of history.

Mr. Urbano admits he has no big money to spend for the return of his baby. The only choice is to go online, where production cost is much lower. Why not tap cyberspace for this new venture? It appears to be the perfect communications platform for its revival.

When friends have learned of his project either by reading his post or word of mouth, friends from various walks of life came to his rescue. Showing the much vaunted spirit of volunteerism among kindred spirits, they have volunteered their services – mostly free – to ensure its return on a new medium and platform in the cyberspace.

For instance, veteran music composer and arranger Nonong Buencamino, also a social media denizen, has volunteered to compose a jingle – free of charge – for the program. Mr. Buencamino has composed a new jingle, of which Mr. Urbano was already satisfied, but says he is not satisfied, as he intends to produce a “better one,” according to Urbano.

Friends of his sons have volunteered the use of production equipment – also free of charge, lessening the burden of initial outlay. He had heard several offers, including its marketing from his friends in the advertising industry. In the past, Mr. Urbano directed commercials under the auspices of those advertising agencies, which had corporate clients.

Mr. Urbano says he would not digress from the old formula that had made Mongolian Barbecue a successful TV program during the days when Cory Aquino dismantled the Marcos dictatorship and provided a much wider democratic space for the living arts. The revived Mr. Shooli would address the burning issues, including controversial political, economic, and social issues.

Mr. Shooli intends to inject humor in the program. Since the revived program is still having birth pains in this age of the pandemic and social media, Mr. Urbano says netizens would see the program being dominated by him. He intends to bring old characters like sidekick Kuhol in later episodes, as the revived program takes root in its new platform in the cyberspace.

The revived Mongolian Barbecue would have its maiden episode on Sunday (Nov. 1) on Youtube. They have yet to set the time.

Jun Urbano’s politics is essentially left-of-center. Since his days at the Ateneo University, where he completed his elementary, high school, and college education (he finished journalism), Urbano had come to relish and appreciate the value of public criticisms and the importance of instituting changes. Politics has been a staple stuff even in old Mongolian Barbecue and Mr. Shooli as its lead character did not hesitate to criticize and pontificate at times.

Mr. Shooli had blinded objects of his criticisms with his unrestrained combination of science and humor, endearing him to the TV audience. He had mocked and laughed at genuinely powerful people and those despicable characters, pretenders, and hangers-on who kept on strutting along the corridors of power.

Mr. Urbano feels the Filipino people are hungry for these stuff. They have not lost their sense of humor despite the grueling challenges of the pandemic and inept rule of the current leadership. While saying he was not that partisan, he has likened politicians to a series of tropical storms, which keep on coming over.

“Parang mga bagyo ang mga pulitiko. Mananalasa at maninira, at aalis. Pero eto na naman ang panibagong bagyo (Politicians are like storms, which come to destroy and leave),” Mr. Urbano says, as he expressed dismay over the vicious cycle of underperforming politicians. “Kanya-kanyang bata sa pulitika dito (it’s politics of patronage here).”

Mr. Urbano is aware that his new project could meet resistance from people with whom he did not see eye-to-eye. But being truthful has its own dividends, he says. He is hopeful that commercial sponsors would come to help the program to expand and stay in its new platform.

As Jun Urbano embarks on a new venture rightfully at the sunset of his life, he could not help but feel that staying at home and doing nothing at the height of a pandemic had its own virtue, bliss, and reward. The rebirth of his old baby is forthcoming.

13Santos Jr Pangilinan, Teng Montalbo and 11 others

PERSECUTED CRONY?

 

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

 RODOLFO Cuenca’s authorized biography book "Builder of Bridges: The Rudy Cuenca Story," which is reluctantly written by Jose "Butch" Dalisay Jr. and Antonette Reyes, contains details, which were mostly unknown to the public until it came out. These details were mostly on the dynamics of the relationship among cronies of dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the height of the infamous and detested martial law regime. Rudy Cuenca is best remembered as the guy who led what could be perceived the meteroic rise of Construction Development Corporation of the Philippines (CDCP), which became the country’s biggest and leading construction firm in the 1970s and 1980s.

Let us be forewarned that any authorized biography is no different from an autobiography. It contains feats worthy of records, conversations and associations with famous people, or some weird experiences that could be humorous, poignant, or striking. Any authorized biography could only contain what the subject of a biography wishes to divulge. Omissions and commissions are the likely aftermath of the written works.

According to Cuenca, CDCP was created in 1966 by an odd mixture of construction and banking guys. It was their response to the call of Ferdinand Marcos in his first year in office to strengthen the construction industry so that the country could pursue an ambitious infrastructure program. CDCP rose to the occasion, as it built over the succeeding years NLEX and SLEX, LRT-1, San Juanico Bridge and the 3000-hectare reclamation of the Manila Bay. It also diversified into other areas including construction projects in the Middle East, mining (CDCP Mining which later became Basay Mines), shipping (Galleon Shipping), labor subcontracting, among others. At its prime, CDCP had 38 subsidiaries. It was ranked as one of the biggest construction firms in the world.

Nearly 20 years after it was formed, CDCP fell flat on the ground, a victim of its own ambition and faulty finances. Rudy Cuenca, while busy to conclude contracts with the foreign and the Marcos governments, failed to check its own finances. Because of over-extension, it had failed to collect payments of its projects, leading to severe liquidity issues. According to Cuenca, CDCP was busy pursuing projects and spending for their completion, but could hardly collect payments so that it did not have sufficient funds to finance its operations. The mismatch was something it could not handle.

For a while, CDCP resorted to short-term borrowings, or through issuance of commercial papers, which was then a common practice during those days. They were quite exorbitant because they carried short repayment periods and high interest rates. CDCP kept on rolling those maturing commercial debts , but there was a limit for those loan rollovers. In the end, it collapsed because of its own weight. Its debts were so huge to the point it could not service them.

The authors did not discuss the major financial antecedents that led to CDCP’s liquidity issues. There was omission of the Dewey Dee affair. Dewey Dee was a Chinoy businessmen, who absconded over P600 million in debts. The Dewey Dee caper led to drastic reforms in the local financial system, including a tight squeeze and control on the issuance of commercial papers. Hence, it came to the point when CDCP could not issue new commercial papers. Hence, it could no longer roll over its maturing debts.

Moreover, the book did not discuss CDCP’s ownership – beneficial, or whatever. While the authors named Rudy Cuenca and his business associates as among its owners, they did not in any way indicate if Ferdinand Marcos was among the owners. Knowing the insatiable greed of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, it is inconceivable that Marcos did not own a big part of it. The manner how it cornered big ticket projects during the days of the dictatorship showed Marcos somehow favored from it. The authors did not discuss why Marcos did not help Rudy Cuenca to save CDCP, but instead allow its corporate demise.

Also, the book did not discuss Rudy Cuenca's failure at length. This is to be expected. While the book was brutally frank, it was written to serve Rudy Cuenca’s purpose and interest. Authorized biographies are essentially self-serving. Re his debacle and downfall, Rudy Cuenca laid the blame squarely on three major characters, whom he claimed to have ganged up on him. He did not use the word "conspiracy," but Roberto Ongpin and siblings Imelda and Kokoy Romualdez did everything that he would lose everything.

Roberto Ongpin, the fourth most powerful man during those days after Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, and Cesar Virata, served as Marcos’s hatchet man. Roberto Ongpin readily accepted Rudy Cuenca’s invitation to become chairman of the CDCP board. Rudy Cuenca could not help but felt bitter because instead of helping CDCP in his capacity as its board chairman, he led in CDCP’s slaughter. The government took over CDCP as government debts were converted into equities. It has been renamed the PNCC or Philippine National Construction Corporation.

The authors did not mention any fallout between Ferdinand Marcos and Rodolfo Cuenca. Why Ferdinand allowed its slaughter and used Ongpin as the hatchet man of its financial demise is worthy of future investigation. But the CDCP affairs also pointed to the dynamics among the people in power during those days.

Rudy Cuenca claimed that Imelda Marcos was apparently envious or jealous of Rudy Cuenca’s access to husband Ferdinand. Rudy Cuenca avoided to get closed to Imelda during those days. He bypassed her. He did not see it fit to pay obeisance to her. He felt he could go directly to Marcos. Rudy Cuenca apparently misunderstood that Imelda was the other half of the conjugal dictatorship during those days. Imelda resented his antics. He misread the situation.

Rudy Cuenca claimed he gained Kokoy Romauldez’s enmity after CDCP bagged the contract to reclaim 3,000 hectares of sea in the Manila Bay area. Rudy Cuenca claimed his firm bested Kokoy’s construction firm, which he did not identify, in the bidding.

Rudy Cuenca is still alive at 94. It’s interesting how those powerful guys slit each other’s throat during the heady days of the Marcos dictatorship. #

WILL IT BE SARA OR BONG GO?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

LET’S leave temporarily the issue of the pandemic brought by the China-Duterte Virus. Let’s talk about the 2022 presidential elections – and its dynamics.

Frequent questions: Whom will the Davao Group field in 2022? Will it be Bong Go or Sara Duterte?

It has been observed that the Davao Group has been posturing as if it owns the Philippines and the ruling coalition. It believes and behaves as if everybody would listen and follow what it says down the line. Its monster attitude could be felt in the political scene.

But this issue would depend on the presidential health. If Rodrigo Duterte’s illness turns for the worst and dies before 2022 and Vice President Leni Robredo takes over, this issue could be out of the question. Neither Bong Go nor Sara would not run for the presidency.

But if everything turns well, which means no Duterte death, no RevGov, no federal shift, no military junta by coup or self-coup, or no major political cataclysm, and a relatively quiet political transition happens through the electoral process, we could expect the Davao Group to field its presidential candidate to perpetuate itself in power.

Political opinion differs on who has the better chance. Although both are dumb and could not be expected to provide any sense of political vision and direction, it is important to understand the Davao Group has almost limitless campaign funds to slug it out in 2022. The funds could come from legal and illegal means, or even from China, which has an increasing stake in the Philippines.

Nonetheless, they are substantial and could be expected to push either Sara or Bong Go to throw his hat into the political ring.

Anointment by Rodrigo Duterte is important. Sick and mad (this is shown by the fact he is programmed to curse and spew expletives every time he goes public), Rodrigo Duterte appears non-committal on whom to anoint. Publicly, he says he discourages Sara to run for president, but privately, he is said to be pushing her. Sara’s biggest problem is her political naivete.

Political operators, in search of doleouts, would congregate around her, but this is no assurance she stands a chance to win. Hr father could opt fo Bong Go because he has the perfect reputation for being an indispensable political operator, or fixer. Besides, China appears to favor him. He has been the perfect go-between to Duterte. China feels it has to reward the fixer.

The Davao Group may have the resources or the candidate in Sara ang Bong Go, but it has to understand that the political mood could change drastically in the run-up to 2022. The political pendulum may swing drastically to the other side.

Because of the gargantuan failure of the Davao Group and the ruling coalition to handle the pandemic, the economic recession has happened. The economic recession could lead to a thorough change in the public perception of the Davao Group.

Hence, the change could favor the candidate from Luzon or the Visayas, or from the ranks of the democratic forces. Besides, Mindanao is not a viable political base and the Davao Group could be adversely affected by the change of the political pendeulum.

Moreover, the Davao Group does not dominate the Mindanao Bloc. Other blocs could secede from the Davao Group and coalesce with political coalitions from Luzon and the Visayas.

Will it be Sara Duterte or Bong Go?

As neither looks politically viable, it could be said this question is totally irrelevant. Fielding either Bong Go or Sara is political suicide. It is best to forget it.

THE NINOY AQUINO MURDER IN RETROSPECT

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

HINDSIGHT is always 20/20.

Had opposition leader Benigno Aquino did not return to the Philippines in 1983 and opted to stay as a laid back academic in the United States, the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos could have extended a little longer, probably a decade or two. Who knows Imelda Marcos could have followed Ferdinand, and then children Imee and Ferdinand Jr.

But Ninoy Aquino thwarted their political plans to establish a dynasty by going home. He had decided to present himself as a democratic alternative just in case the dictator’s kidney surgery worsened, leading him to die eventually. At that time, a kidney transplant operation was not a perfected surgery much unlike today.

Ninoy Aquino’s single act of bravery and moral courage pursued and done at the most crucial moment in history virtually altered the political equation. It deflated the planned takeover of Imelda and Gen. Fabian Ver, the dictator’s loyal aide, who rose to become the Armed Forces chief of staff. His homecoming put them in an awkward situation, prompting them to pull the trigger and kill Ninoy Aquino.

Ninoy Aquino’s assassination, which was treacherously done on the airport tarmac in the early afternoon of Aug. 21, 1983, gave the single spark that torched the Marcos dictatorship. It was the single event that galvanized a single anti-dictatorship front, uniting the various anti-Marcos forces from all walks of life – from the perfumed elite of the Makati business district to the poor and hungry farm hands.

It led to a series of events that exposed the weaknesses of the Marcos dictatorship, particularly the dictator’s lack of mandate. Cornered like a scalded cat, Marcos had no choice but to call the Feb. 7, 1986 “snap” presidential elections that resulted in massive cheating and fraud to mar the purported political victory of Marcos.

In brief, the murder of Ninoy Aquino was one of the series of antecedents that led to the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution, the single defining moment in history, where the  Filipino people, in their exercise of souvereign right, toppled an overstaying dictator from Malacanang.  Aside from becoming the universal template on how to topple dictators, the EDSA Revolution has led to the restoration of democracy.

The Philippine political experience teeters on two themes: democracy and authoritarianism.  While we acknowledge the need for a democratic government that upholds the Constitution, the rule of the law and individual rights and freedom, a part of our polity favors authoritarian rule purportedly to promote national security.

Ninoy Aquino’s murder and the subsequent EDSA Revolution shatter this docrine of national security.  It is a strongman’s doctrine to institutionalize an authoritarian rule and prolong his stay in power.

Fast forward to the present. We could sense an ongoing counterrevolution to invalidate the gains of EDSA Revolution and destroy Ninoy Aquino’s legacy and time-tested adage that “the Filipino is worth dying for.” We see a deranged president who wants to touch the nerve of history to prove that the restored democracy is a fluke.

We see authoritarian forces who want to revise history and present the sacrifice of Ninoy Aquino and other democratic heroes are not worth remembering at all. But against the backdrop of the conspiracy of anti-democratic elements, we see Ninoy Aquino’s legacyrising above the tempest of authoritarian tendencies.

The counterrevolution is bound to fail. Yes, the Filipno is worth fighting for.

SOLOMONIC NOT SOMORONIC SOLUTION

By Philip M. Lustre jr.

CONGRESSIONAL leaders knew it was patently wrong. Rodrigo Duterte could not expropriate the assets of the two major telcos – PLDT Group and Globe Telecom – and give them to the favored third telecom – Dito Telecommunity.

While the cash register kept on ringing in their ears over the possibility of bigger takes from the two telcos, the more cerebral congressional leaders have understood it would be untenable, or even suicidal, for Congress to legislate the demise of two telcos to favor an upstart, which has yet to establish a track record in the local market.

In brief, Congress could not enact an expropriation law to take away the assets of the two telcos and give them to Dito Tel. A robust and competitive telecommunications industry does not operate on the basis of presidential rants that when the two telcos could not provide what Duterte perceives as sufficient service, he could take away their assets and give them to another telecommunications player.

To enable Duterte to escape from the sticky and embarrassing situation, congressional leaders have added a provision in the proposed Bayanihan To Heal as One Act – Part 2, suspending for three years the submission of most permits needed to build new cell towers nationwide to improve telecommunications services. According to Senate Minority Leader Franklin Drilon between 29 to 35 permit and documentary requirements have to be issued by local government units (LGUs) before a telco could get a permit to build a cell tower.

The relaxation of the regulatory environment under the Bayanihan Act -2 opens the burgeoning cell tower construction business to open competition, enabling private non-telco firms to join and build cell towers for rent to telcos. It gives the third telco the chance to catch with the rollout of its infrastructures to start its commercial operations in March 2021 and slug it out in the open telecommunications market. It does away the planned expropriation law, which has become irrelevant.

Lawmakers have said Congress would ratify on Monday (Aug. 24) the proposed Bayanihan Act -2, putting in place the second law to enable the Duterte administration to respond adequately to the pandemic caused by the China-Duterte Virus. It provides a total budget of P140 billion to include doleout to poor families, mass testing and contact tracing, and doleout to affected tourism-related businesses, among others.

In his July 26 SONA, Duterte has threatened the two telcos of expropriation mainly because of “poor service” and indicated he would give their assets to his Chinese friends, who are having a hard time putting up Dito Tel.

Camouflaging his intention of their expropriation by saying “the people wanted improvement of the services” of the two telecommunications giants, Duterte appeared bent to deliver the coup de grace in 2021 by strongly hinting to Congress that it would play a role in the enactment of a major legislation that could lead to their expropriation.

Expropriation is the act of a government to claim privately owned property against the wishes of the owners, ostensibly to be used for the benefit of the general public.

Dito Tel is behind schedule on the rollout of its infrastructure. It is near to impossible to meet its obligations, commitments, and requirements in its Certificate of Public Convenience and Necessity (CPCN), which serves as the contract between the government and the telco.

Addressing a Senate public hearing on July 1, Adel Tamano, chief administrative officer, said Dito Tel was having a hard time fulfilling its CPCN. Tamano cited the adverse effects of the pandemic caused by the novel coronavirus for Dito Tem’s inability to meet its commitments in the CPCN. He blamed the delay to movement restrictions caused by strict lockdown measures from mid-March until the end of May 2020.

“The COVID-19 and lockdowns prevented us from our full rollout. With the subsequent easing of different lockdown situations, we are doing our best to get back on track,” Tamano said. Also, the pandemic has affected China, which is Dito Tel’s main source of technological knowhow and raw materials, including the rolling stocks for its construction and infrastructure works.

Under its CPCN, Dito Tel’s “technical launch” was scheduled on July 7 this year, but it has to be postponed in November this year. No date has been fixed. Its CPCN requires Dito Tel to build initially at least 1,300 cell towers nationwide and provide digital service at a speed of 27 Mbp. According to Tamano, Dito Telecom has built 300 cell towers, or a backlog of 1,000 cell sites.

Concerning the legal basis of the envisioned expropriation of Globe and PLDT assets , the 1987 Constitution allows expropriation of private landholdings and ill-gotten assets, but is quiet on private assets to be given to another private entity, specifically a favored one.

The Constitution allows expropriation proceedings on landholdings for public use under its power of eminent domain. In fact, RA 10729, or the Right of Way Act, has been enacted during the incumbency of Benigno Aquino III mainly to hasten construction of road projects and other infrastructures.

Expropriation proceedings for PLDT and Globe Telecom assets could not be invoked because they have been rightfully acquired and do not in any way constitute ill-gotten wealth. Acquiring their assets mainly because they have failed to provide “adequate services” is a weak argument and does not rest on solid legal, albeit moral, grounds.

FAILED REBEL ARMS SHIPMENTS IN THE PHILIPPINES

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Unknown to many Filipinos, rebel forces and even the burgeoning First Philippine Republic, also called the Malolos Republic, engaged in failed arms smuggling to bolster their forces, but they had failed. Because of their inability to procure arms, their revolutionary efforts did not generate steam to defeat enemies. Two failed arms shipments are prominently mentioned: the 1899 arms shipments from Japan to help the Filipino revolutionary forces fighting the invading American forces; and the 1972 MV Karagatan episode where arms shipments from China were stopped by state troopers.

In the book “Mariano Ponce y Collantes: Dangal ng Lahing Pilipino,” which was edited by historian Jaime Balcos Veneracion, former chair of the UP Department of History, historian Resil Mojares wrote Mariano Ponce, whom Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, president of the First Philippine Republic, named as Philippine ambassador to Japan, quietly worked with Japanese right-wing activists for some arrangements so that he could smuggle arms shipments to the Philippines.

A few notes about Mariano Ponce: He was one of the three pillars of the pivotal Propaganda Movement in Spain, the other two were Marcelo H. el Pilar and Dr. Jose P. Rizal. He went to Spain in 1887 to complete his medical studies. He became a medical doctor two years later but not without becoming part of the Comite de Propaganda, which spearheaded the Propaganda Movement in Spain.

He worked with del Plar and Rizal in the La Solidaridad, the newspaper that contained ideas of the reform movement that sought greater latitudes of Filipinos and the Philippines as a Spanish colony. He was with del Pilar from 1887 until he died and the newspaper closed shop in 1895 for lack of funds.

Mariano Ponce moved to Hong Kong in 1896, when the war for independence against Spain was raging. He led in the creation of the Comite de Central de Filipino, or the Hong Kong Junta composed of overseas Filipinos, who worked to collect funds for the revolutionary forces and seek recognition for the about to be formed revolutionary government.

Mariano Ponce announced the death of Jose Rizal by issuing a press statement that contained his poem “Mi Ultimo Pensamiento.” He was Aguinaldo’s secretary in Hong Kong when Aguinaldo and his fellow revolutionaries went on exile there in 1897 as a condition for the cessation of hostiities under the Pact of Biak na Bato. Aguinaldo returned to the Philippines on May 17, 1898.

The Hong Kong Junta assigned Mariano Ponce to Japan mainly to get support from the Japanese government. On June 29, 1898 he landed in the port city of Yokohama, where he established his base. Dr. Mariano Ponce was an avid letter writer and he made friends with many revolutionaries, including those leading leaders of the revolutions in Puerto Rico and Cuba. He wrote them letters and had healthy correspondence with them.

Dr. Mariano Ponce had befriended many Japanese leaders, including those in the right-wing fringes. But the most outstanding friendship he made was with Dr. Sun Yat-sen, reputedly the father of modern China and president of the first Chinese Republic. It was Sun who helped him in the arms smuggling to the Philippines, as the latter gave him the Japanese contacts.

According to Mojares, Dr. Sun Yat sen introduced Dr. Mariano Ponce to two former Japanese samurai – Toten Miyazaki and Shu Hirayama – to build up a network to help the Fiolipino revolutionaries. Ponce also met Japanese intellectuals, who were advocates on the Pan-Asiatic movements there. They included Inukai Ki, who networked with Haizan Nakamura, a member of the Japanese Diet, who eventually made arrangements for the arm shipment to the Philippines.

Together with his Japanese contacts, Dr. Ponce bought a tugboat – Nunobiki Maru, for use in the arms smuggling. On July 19, 1899, the tugboat sailed from Japan en route to the Philippines bringing 10,000 Murata rifles, six million bullets, six machine guns and some pieces of artillery and three Japanese volunteers, who would teach Filipino revolutionaries on their use.

The tugboat sank after it encountered a storm near Saddle Islands, 100 miles from Shanghai in China. The sinking of the tugboat disheartened Dr. Ponce and the Japanese supporters and the arms smuggling project was immediately stopped.

Dr. Ponce offered to resign to the Hong Kong Junta but it was not accepted. Dr. Sun calmed him down saying “it was all part of the revolution.” Relentless and committed, Dr. Ponce planned to smuggle arms to the Philippines anew in January 1900.

But it did not materialize after one of the Japanese contacts – Nakamura – was said to have pocketed the money. It created ripples among the Japanese supporters because they were firm adherents of honesty and transparency in their networking activity.

It was on the 4th of July 1972, when Tony Gomez, a logger and businessman, spotted a ship anchored opn the coast of Palanan in Isabela. Riding in a light plane, Gomez noticed men unloading cargoes in small boats and boxes along the beach. He reported it to the Philippine Constabulary provincial command and a contingent of constables including LT. Edgardo Aglipay, who rose to become PNP chief, was among the small team.

The PC team searched for the ship and they could it moored in Digoyo Point in Isabela. When they boarded the vessel, they were fired by rebels of the New People’s Army (NPA), military arm of the outlawed Communist Party of the Philippines. The ship was later untowed and a raging typhoon threw it out into the open ocean. Aglipay and his men had to stay three days in the open sea.

The ship was later identified MV Karagatan. It brought crates of arms shipments from China and ammunition mainly to sustain the revolution against the Marcos government. Aglipay and his team survived the ordeal and returned to their bases, where they planned with the Army an attack to the rebel forces who hid in the jungles of Isabela.

The state troopers attacked and in the ensuing gun battle that lasted for days, the rebels retreated leaving behind the arms shipment. Government troopers initial;ly recovered more than 100 M-14 rifles and ammunition. Further operations led to the capture of more than 500 M-14 and Garand rifles firming beliefs that the arms shipment could be sizable.

Marcos played up the MV Karagatan failed arms smuggling in mass media. It served as one of the bases for the September 21, 1972 declaration of martial law. In his book, Gaston Ortigas identified the owner as MV Karagatan – the family of Allan Jazmines, who is now believed to be one of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Because of the MV Karagatan failed arms smuggling, the Chinese Communist Party had rejected overtures for another arms shipment. Netizen Dick Malay has narrated this story in one of his posts in this social networking site. 

A VISIT TO MALOLOS CITY

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

A visit to Malolos City is a historical pilgrimage.

I have learned the rich heritage of Malolos City, when I went with a group of colleagues and friends for a brief visit on a rainy Friday, Aug. 21, 2015, an official holiday.

Malolos, 45 kilometers north of Manila, is the capital city of Bulacan province. Because of its proximity to Manila, Malolos City is getting industrialized as indicated by the rising number of commercial establishments and factories that have relocated there. It is a first class city with a population of slightly over a quarter of million people scattered in 52 barangays.

Malolos City is described as Bulacan’s premier heritage center because of its numerous ancestral houses, chapels and historical sites, and structures that date back to the Spanish and American colonial rules. In 2001, the National Historical Institute has declared as national heritage landmark the historic center of Malolos City. It is now known as the Malolos Heritage Town. Hence, Malolos City has joined the likes of Vigan City, which has been declared earlier as a World Heritage Site, Taal in Batangas, Guinobatan in Albay, Zamboanga City, and several others known to possess the charm and ambiance of Hispanic towns that have survived the ravages of time.

Our first stop was the historic Barasoain Church, site of the First Philippine Congress (or Malolos Congress), which convened on September 15, 1898 to draft the first Philippine Constitution, or the Malolos Constitution, to govern the First Philippine Republic. Located along Paseo del Congreso in the heart of this city, this church was also the site of the inauguration of the First Philippine Republic on January 23, 1899. 

Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, leader of the revolutionary forces that defeated the Spanish colonial power, took his oath in this church as president of the First Philippine Republic. A hundred years later, movie actor Joseph Estrada took his oath here as the 13th president of the Philippine Republic. It was a coincidence that the two presidents, who took their office there, did not finish their terms of office. Aguinaldo was later captured in the coastal town of Palanan in Isabela province, while Estrada was kicked out of office in the second EDSA People Power Revolution, aptly called "EDSA Dos," in 2001.

Jose Roly Marcelino, officer-in-charge of arts and culture of the Malolos Tourism Council, welcomed us at the doorstep of the Church’s adjacent two-story convent, where Aguinaldo held office as president of the revolutionary government. Before going to the real beef, Roli showed us the horse-drawn carriage, which Aguinaldo rode en route to the Church to take his oath. Motorized cars were non-existent during those days. Hence, the carriage, preserved in its original form, was the  perfect vehicle. It was on display on the ground floor near the staircase to the second floor.

Although the convent has been preserved in its original form, its second floor has been converted into the Barasoain Museum since 1999 to house the various relics, pictures, and other materials related to the First Philippine Republic. Roli, who served as our guide during our visit, told us the other change made to the convent is the construction of two additional wings, where the parish priest holds office and resides with other church workers. The new wings were built shortly after Estrada took his oath of office there in 1998.

Our visit to the Barasoain Museum was a virtual trip to memory lane. Jose Ruel Paguiligan, museum curator, joined us and provided an audio video presentation of the events that took place in that particular place. Aguinaldo held office there; he met his military generals , civilian officials of the First Republic, and visiting dignitaries in the convent. He discussed issues confronting the fledgling republic and wined and dined with them there, according to Ruel. The Museum also houses the life-sized diorama of Aguinaldo and members of His Cabinet. At this point, we discussed why Aguinaldo chose to relocate his government there instead of staying in Kawit, Cavite, where he declared independence from Spanish colonial rule. The answer: The American invading forces made a beachhead in Manila. It was easy for them to attack Kawit, which is near the Manila Bay, than Malolos, which was an interior town those days.

While going through the photographs, mostly culled from American sources and enlarged for improved viewing, we discovered bits of history that we never knew before. A picture showed William Day, head of the U.S. delegation that negotiated the Treaty of Paris, handling the check of $10 million, representing half of the $20 million cession money, to French Ambassador Jules Cambon. Luz Palacios, a former Department of Foreign Affairs official and now a faculty member of the De La Salle University – College of St. Benilde, expressed surprised why the check was given to the French diplomat instead of the Spanish delegation members.

We did not have a ready answer; neither were our resource persons. In the end, we surmised that since the negotiations were held in Paris, which was a neutral ground for the Americans and Spaniards, it was natural that the refereeing Frenchman held the check. Or was it because banking during those days was different than we use to know today? These were all conjectures though. The Barasoain Museum houses several paintings of the Fernando Amorsolo, a national artist.

Roli guided us to our second stop: the Barasoain Church. We entered into one of its side doors and marveled at the intricate artworks of its interior. Except for the roof, which gave way to the wear and tear of the years, everything remains intact. Church authorities have decided to preserve its original form, particularly the altar. By all means, it is a medium-sized church, when compared to other churches like the bigger Sto. Domingo Church in Quezon City, or Manila Cathedral in Intramuros, Manila. But it appears spacious and comfortable to accommodate the 120 or so delegates, who met there to comprise the First Philippine Congress. Roli told us that it was built using those hardened lava rocks obtained from the foot of Mt. Arayat, now an extinct volcano. They used the mixture of the white part and shells of chicken eggs and lime (apog) to build it. That mixture had strong adhesive power comparable to modern-day cement.

Roli threw an interesting question why Aguinaldo chose the Barasoain Church for the Malolos Congress. I surmised some reasons. They could not do it at the Manila Grand Opera House in the Manila district of Sta. Cruz because they were running away from the American forces, which started to attack Filipino forces. The luxurious Manila Hotel was not yet around. There was no structure, which was spacious to accommodate the Malolos Congress delegates. Roli knew I had a point, but he stunned us by telling us that the Barasoain Church has a very good acoustics. “The sound does not create echoes here. They did not have microphones during those days,” Roli said. “It was important to have good acoustical designs for structures.”

But the bigger reason, according to Roli, was the existing railroad system during those days. Roli surmised that Aguinaldo found it easy for the retreating Filipino soldiers to settle at the Barasoain Church because it was near the railroad station, which was then less than a kilometer from the church. Ruel explained the First Philippine Congress had 120 members but only more than 40 came from other provinces. Because of the distance and poor transportation, Aguinaldo had to handpick the other delegates from various parts of Bulacan. They were mostly Ilustrados, or of middle class origin.

The third stop was the ancestral house of Don Antonio Bautista, Aguinaldo’s aide de camp during the short-lived Malolos Republic. It is located on the same Paseo del Congreso, about 200 meters from the Barasoain Church. Built in 1812, the house has endured two wars: Philippine-American War and the Japanese Occupation. Lori Bautista de los Santos, the caretaker and a descendant of Don Antonio Bautista and Don Epifanio de los Santos, welcomed our group and explained that his family has adopted an “open house policy,” where interested parties are free to visit the ancestral house, see, and feel its uniqueness and charm.

The two century old ancestral house is a typical “bahay na bato,” which distinguished it from the nipa huts of the ordinary Filipinos during the Spanish and American colonial rules. It is a middle class structure of those days; it is made up of sturdy materials like bricks and hard wood. It spacious interior, high ceiling, and sides with doble ventanas (double windows) are all intended for ventilation. It furniture dates back from the Spanish colonial rule. We saw a room with a pair of Spanish wooden beds. It has a garden too. It has a land area of about 1,500 square meters, which is common during the Spanish colonial era.

Lori briefed us about the place and its owner. His great grandfather, Don Antonio Bautista, led a quiet life after the Filipino-American War. Since he inherited many pieces of property from his parents (he was the only child), he led a fairly comfortable life as an entrepreneur. He supported Manuel Quezon, although he was friendly with Aguinaldo. But he later parted ways with Aguinaldo when the latter ran against Quezon in 1935 and advocated U. S. statehood for the Philippines. When he was running for reelection in 1969, President Ferdinand Marcos had dinner in that house along with Bulacan political leaders led by Blas Ople, Governor Ignacio Santiago, Rep. Teodulo Natividad and several others. Lori even showed us several pictures of that event.

But these were not all. Somehow, Lori managed to spice up her narrative when she talked about some ghost stories about the house. Yes, there are ghosts in that house, Lori confirmed, but they are harmless ghosts, who could be her forbears who feel attached to the old house. Lori narrated how some workers doing rehabilitation workers encountered an old lady, who was mad at them for moving some pieces of furniture, including the piano. “Huwag ninyong gagalawin iyan (don’t move them),” the workers quoted the old lady as telling them. Lori gave a big laugh when told about the story, telling them it could her grandmother. Lori said she stays in the house with a daughter, but they have yet to encounter a ghost. Some workers who stayed there while doing construction works heard noises, but they did not see anybody in the house.

At this point, Vicente “Bong” Enriquez, president of the Women of Malolos Foundation, joined us at the dining table for brunch and discussed the rich cultural heritage of Malolos City. According to Bong, Malolos had created a strong middle class out of the Chinese migrants, who settled there and intermarried with the native women. This explains why many residents there have Chinese sounding names like Lim, Tanchanco, Tiongson, Tantoco, Uitancoy, Tanjosoy, Yupangco, among others.

Our discussions were incomplete without talking of food, of which Bong was knowledgeable since he is the son of the noted food historian Mila Enriquez. According to him, Malolos is an old town that existed even before the Spaniards came. Its inhabitants had booming trade and commerce with the Chinese, who later came over, settled, and married local women. This gave rise to a merchant class, which later emerged as the Ilustrados during the Spanish rule. They were rich and, ergo, came to like good food. Hence, the people of Malolos have their own cuisine, which is heavily influenced by the Chinese.

Our fourth stop was the house of Alberta Uitangcoy Santos, one of the famed 21 women of Malolos, who asked Spanish Governor Valeriano Weyler in 1888 to allow them to hold night classes to learn the Spanish language. The Spanish villa is one of the old ancestral houses near the Malolos Cathedral. Malolos City has three churches: Barasoain Church, Malolos Cathedral, and the Sta. Isabel Church. When the Filipino army retreated northward to escape the American forces, Aguinaldo ordered Gen. Antonio Luna to burn the Malolos Cathedral as part of his scorched earth policy. Luna did it. It was restored during the American colonial rule.

This time, Bong Enriquez played host. He met our group at the doorstep of the old ancestral villa and recounted the story how the 21 women of Malolos took the matter into their hands by asking the visiting Weyler to allow them to study the Spanish language despite protests by the Spanish friars, who, during those days, exerted enormous influence in Philippine society and, ergo, did not like to teach the natives of their own language. Although the Spanish official gave way to their request, the school only existed only for a few months because of persecution and harassment by the friars. Bong recounted how Jose Rizal, the national hero, extolled the women of Malolos for standing firm on what they believed was right and for empowering themselves through education.

Built in 1890, the Alberta Uitancoy-Santos ancestral house is another typical “bahay na bato,” in terms of architectural design and maximum comfort it offers to its residents. It has become a museum of sort as various pictures and mementos are on display for visitors. Bong, a descendant of one of the 21 women of Malolos, holds office there as president of the Women of Malolos Foundation.

Incidentally, Bong told us that descendants of owners of most ancestral houses in Malolos stay elsewhere; they are either in Manila or abroad. They are left to the caretakers. Their owners have adopted the “open house” policy, as visitors are allowed to take a peep of their interiors. This is why various groups in Malolos City have launched initiatives to conserve these ancestral houses for tourism purposes, Bong said. “This way, we can educate the people about what Malolos has played in history,” he said.

Our fifth and last stop was the ancestral house of Dr. Luis Santos, the son of Alberta Uitancoy Santos, which is about 100 meters away from his mother’s house. Unlike the two previous ancestral houses we earlier visited, this house has an art-deco architectural design, which became vogue during the American colonial rule. It was built in 1930, using a combination of rare Philippine hardwood from various parts of the country. Dr. Luis, who practised medicine in Malolos, was a man of exquisite taste, a perfectionist who did not settle for anything less than the best. He made sure that his house would reflect such taste for perfection and beauty.

Right at the doorstep, the opulence was readily visible. The floor at the front door is made of granite of the highest kind, while the handrails are solid marble. Upon entering the door made of narra, Ms. Anita, the caretaker, told us that the entire first floor is made of slabs of tindalo, the local teakwood acquired from the rainforest of Mindanao. Upon going to the second floor, we all looked up the ceiling to find the painting of Fernando Amorsolo, a national artist for painting. We could not help but marvel at the sight of this house.

Almost everything in the second floor is made up of hardwood of the highest quality - tindalo, narra, dao, and yakal. We were told termites could not attack the hard wood. The pieces of furniture are mostly antique that dates back to the Spanish and American colonial rules. Words were not enough to express the magnificence of this ancestral house. It all left us enthralled.

We ended up our visit to this historic city with a big smile. No, it was not an ordinary visit. It was not a sightseeing visit alone. It was not just seeing and feeling the city. It was an education. The visit has left a deep impression into our collective mind. Our country is quite young when compared to some European and Asian countries, but it is equally rich in heritage.

Our visit likewise firmed up our belief that our country could offer the two levels of tourism: ecology and heritage. We have our beaches and scenery to give tourists - local and foreign - a breather from the drudgery of daily existence. But we also have the heritage to make every soul richer.

‘CIVILIANIZATION’

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

WE first heard this word from Gen. Renato de Villa, who was then AFP chief of staff of President Cory Aquino. That was sometime in 1991, after the country underwent the seventh yet the biggest and bloodiest military coup in its political history. It was a winner-take-all coup and the rebel military forces lost in the confrontation that lasted for several days.

Obviously, this word was concocted to refer to the process of re-inculcating the precept of civilian supremacy over the military. During those days, the military could not accept civilian supremacy. The Marcos dictatorship, in which the military was part of the ruling coalition, had nurtured a military establishment that could not re-integrate itself in the post-Marcos era.

Many military officials could not accept the primacy of civilian rule over the military. They had a hard time accepting that the restored democracy that has replaced the dictatorship could mean they have to accept orders from civilian rulers.

The civilianization process involved going back to the barracks, immersing themselves in new doctrines that include acknowledgement and acceptance of the human rights of the civilian population, and retraining to learn the so-called “civilian mind.”

The process started with the three branches of the Armed Forces – Army, Navy, and the Air Force. It extended to the Philippine Constabulary – Integrated National Police (PC-INP), the precursor of the present-day Philippine National Police (PNP).

When Congress enacted the PNP Law to replace the PC-INP, the PNP leadership adopted a new set of uniforms to stress the civilian nature of the new institution. Police officers were required to wear the neutral brown uniform. People teased the police officers by calling them “chocolate boys.”

Police officers were amused, but they were not mad. After all, the people did not feel threatened. A decade later, their brown uniform has been changed to blue. People called them “sekyu” because their blue uniform somewhat resembled the blue guards. They felt comfortable.

Now, police officers wear camouflage uniform, which is very similar to the Army’s uniform. Soldiers don’t feel comfortable because certain people, according to them, mistake them for police officers. They consider it an insult because of apparent inter-service rivalry.

Is the use of camouflage uniform part of the ongoing militarization?

It appears so. The police force behaves as somewhat the private army of Rodrigo Duterte. Police officers hardly possess the civilian mindset which has been imparted to them after more three decades of restored democracy. Many police officers feel they can do what they want, including human rights violations.

Ordinary citizens avoid them. They are not trusted. A number of police officers have adopted the monster attitude that they are now the ruling class, not the guys mandated to promote peace and order. Many people look at them as epitome of abuses. Or, because of their huge salaries, modern-day mercenaries of the ruling elite, sarcastically called "inferior Davao."

“Mag-iingat sa pulis” has become a routine piece of advice among citizens. God bless the Philippines

HINDI BA BANSA TAYO NG MGA BASAG ANG PULA?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

            “Isang laksang bugok, isang laksang bugok

            Laksa laksang Pinoy na basag ang pula.”

            “Isang laksang bugok, isang laksang bugok

            “Isang laksang mga anak ng puta.”

-         “Una’t Huling Pasyon” ni Rio Alma

1.       May presidente tayo na nagmungkahi na upang malinis at magamit muli ang face mask, ibabad ito sa diesel o gasolina;

2.      May opisyal ng PNP na nagsabing gamitin ang mga chismoso at chismosa sa contact tracing;

3.      May presidential legal adviser na nagpayo sa pangulo na magdekla ng martial law dahil maituturing na paglusob ng kaaway ang pagdating ng coronavirus sa bansa;

4.      May kongresista na nagsabing magsagawa ng takeover sa ABS-CBN kahit walang judicial order;

5.      May presidential spokesman na hindi makapagbigay ng anumang batayan sa pahayag na “milyon-milyon ang magkakasakit ng Covid-19 kung hindi nagdeklara ng lockdown.”

6.      May national security adviser na nagsabing mas mabuting tumahimik na lang ang mga kritiko sapagkat maaaring may mangyaring hndi maganda sa kanila sa ilalim ng batong Anti-Terror Law;

7.      May DILG undersecretary na nagmungkahing hiyain (shame campaign) ang sinuman nilalang na hindi susunod sa mga alituntunin ng kuwarantina;

8.      May health secretary na nagpahayag na hindi na umakyat ang kurba (flattened the curve) kaht na patuloy na tumataas ang bilang ng mga mamamayan na kinapitan ng China-Duterte virus;

9.      May kongresista na may anak na bakla ang nagpahayag na hindi siya kumporme sa paninindigan ng kanyang ama sa pagpapasara ng ABS-CBN, ngunit wala siyang magawa sapagkat magkaiba sila;

10.   Mayroon DILG secretary na nagsabing pupunta ang mga pulis sa bawat bahay upang alamin ang may sintomas ng mapinsalang virus at puwersahang dadalhin sila sa mga quarantine center.