EFFECTS OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY SHIFT ON ASIA

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

DROWN in the flurry of news on the Jan. 20 inauguration of Joe Biden as new U.S. president is the U.S. foreign policy shift to focus on China. In their lengthy but separate Jan. 19 confirmation hearings at the U.S. Senate, State Secretary Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin told the American lawmakers the U.S. is giving first priority attention to China to keep peace and stability in East Asia.

 

The U.S. and its multinational allies have defeated ISIS in Syria, Iraq, and Iran. It has come out with a ceasefire agreement with the Taliban in Afghanistan, prompting to alter foreign policy focus. The U.S. wants to keep open the sea lanes of the South China Sea because over P5.3 trillion worth of commerce pass annually through it.

 

Blinken and Austin explained they wanted to keep the freedom of navigation in that part of the world. Moreover, they have perceived China as the new predatory hegemon, as it has been claiming without sufficient basis almost the entire South China Sea. It wants to become a world power, Blinken said, as he pointed out that China has opened more consulates than the U.S. around the world.

 

Initially, the U.S. wants to embark on a five-year shipbuilding program for 2022-2026 to construct 82 warships at a total cost of P147 billion. It could be surmised the new vessels would be fielded in areas that require the U.S. forward power projection, particularly in areas with potential or actual conflicts.

 

Also, the U.S. wants to help Taiwan, which is being threatened by invasion and occupation by China. According to Blinken and Austin, the U.S. has no qualms to give Taiwan, China’s renegade province, the military assistance and war resources, even as they claimed Washington was also prepared to protect the pro-democracy movement and activists in Hong Kong.

 

The two officials were short of saying the U.S. would abandon the “one-China” policy, or the policy that recognizes Peking as the only legitimate government of China. But they strongly hinted that the U.S. is not averse to the idea of Taiwan proclaiming its independence.

 

Blinken and Austin did not discuss the Philippines, which has taken a pro-China stance over the last four or five years mainly because of the support China gave to Rodrigo Duterte in his 2016 rise to power. But Blinken and Austin’s statements have dwelt on the need to promote the gospel of democracy. They somehow reflected concern for the Philippines, which is being threatened by authoritarian tendencies by the Davao Group.

 

Their separate statements at the U.S. Senate however indicated the U.S. is not in any way fond of Duterte and his “Inferior Davao,” or the cabal of criminal overlords in that southern part of the Philippines. The U.S. is not in any way ready to embrace him even if he turns supportive of the U.S. overnight, or a so-called “born again democrat.” The U.S. has its democratic allies in the Philippines.

 

Incidentally, the U.S., through its roving emissaries, has conveyed to Duterte three things: first, he has to release Leila de Lima, which is still imprisoned of trumped up charges; second, he has to yield political power gracefully when his term of office ends on June 30, 2022; and third, he should not field either daughter Sara and aide Bong Go as his successor in 2022.  

 

The U.S. has remained quiet over the last four or five years, but it has remained watchful of Duterte and his ilk. It won’t abandon the Philippines as it has shifted to a new but higher gear to oppose autocracy.