RICHARD GORDON IN PERSPECTIVE
By Philip M. Lustre Jr.
(Author”s Note: I almost forgot
that I bought a great book ten years ago. While browsing this book this
morning, I found a chapter devoted to Richard Gordon, the autocratic ruler of
the port city of Olongapo, some 130 kilometers north of Manila. Olongapo City
hosted a part of the Subic Naval Base. The bigger part of this former U.S. military
facility turned free port and industrial zone lies in the province of Bataan. This article is about Gordon, his
family, and his style of governance.)
CHAPTER Five of Donald Kirk’s
book,”Philippines In Crisis: U.S. Power Versus Local Revolt,” is aptly titled
“Free Port or Hacienda?” It virtually shows the uniqueness of how Subic Free
Port was then managed by Richard Gordon, the roly poly autocratic Olongapo
City mayor, whom President Fidel Ramos named as chair of the Subic Bay
Metropolitan Authority (SMBA) even before the 1992 expiration of the U.S.
Military Bases Agreement. The SBMA is the state agency tasked to develop and
transform the former Subic Naval Base, a U.S. military facility, into a
modern-day free port and industrial zone.
The chapter title shows that
although Subic Naval Base was undergoing transformation into a modern free port
after 1992, it was being managed like an hacienda, where a cacique (feudal landlord) in Gordon
reigned supreme. Incidentally, hacienda is the Spanish term for those vast
tracts of farmlands that typified a feudal estate.
Donald Dirk, a veteran roving
American correspondent, took off from the November 24, 1992 scene when Richard
Gordon, nicknamed Dick, as the newly appointed
SBMA chair, and wife Katherine, or Kate, as the Olongapo City mayor, attended
the ceremony, where U.S. base authorities formally turned over the Subic Naval
Base to the Philippine government.
Dirk, who interviewed a lot of
people for the specific chapter, including the Gordons, mentioned casually how
the Gordons immediately took what he described “a self righteous campaign to rid the town of the
sleaze and scum associated with the American era.” The Gordons got their
inspectors to close down those roaring bars outside the main gate along
Magsaysay Street. Dirk also said:
“They ordered their minions to
harass the aging Americans Australians, and other foreigners still running bars
along several miles of roads running around the bay in Barrio Barreto, a
beachfront strip envisioned as a luxury resort area for rich and powerful
investors lured into both the base and the town.”
According to Dirk, the first Gordon
to have arrived in Olongapo City was John Jacob Gordon, the offspring of Russian
Jewish parents, who settled in Kingston, New York. He was a member of U.S Marines, who
joined Admiral George Dewey’s fleet, which defeated the Spanish
fleet in the mocked Battle of Manila Bay. He first settled in Sangley Bay in
Cavite, but moved to Olongapo, then a fishing village. It was soon developed by
the Americans to host the naval base.
Dirk said first Gordon married a local beauty
and had four sons, three of which survived but they all migrated to the States.
He remarried Veronica Tagle, a Spanish mestizo, and bore him a son, James
Gordon, Richard’s father. John Jacob operated “Gordon’s Farm,” a saloon
frequented by American servicemen for its good food, booze, and women. But it was
James the son, who prospered as he put up a hotel and cabaret, movie theater,
radio station and a popular restaurant.
Just like his father, James enriched himself from the American servicemen’s patronage. James married Amelia Juico, who belonged to a landed family. They have five kids: Richard, three daughters, and James Jr.
Just like his father, James enriched himself from the American servicemen’s patronage. James married Amelia Juico, who belonged to a landed family. They have five kids: Richard, three daughters, and James Jr.
Dirk said about the Gordons: “The Gordon name remains a constant in the
evolution of Olongapo, at every stage reflecting and refracting the history of
a community that sees itself at the end of the twentieth century as epitomizing
the Philippines’ economic revolution. The family – not merely Dick
Gordon but also his forebears, along with a complex web of in-laws and other
relatives – has strived, ever since the original John Jacob Gordon set up his
saloon on the fringes of the American military holdings, to work with the
Americans even while asserting independence form them.”
According to Gordon, mother Amelia
did not like Richard’s choice of a bride and this had caused animosity in the
family. Richard had to assert his independence, as he defended his marriage to
Katherine Howell, an illegitimate daughter of an American serviceman by a local
beauty, who and managed and operated a nightclub that featured bikini-clad
dancing women and hostesses. Although Richard prevailed over her mother, the
two women were described as “hostile toward each other, often on nonspeaking
terms for years.”
James Gordon was elected mayor of
Olongapo City in 1963, but because of what Dirk described as a result of “cutthroat
politics and payoffs,” he was assassinated on February 20, 1967. Richard was
too young during those days. Hence, mother Amelia took over the city’s top
political post.
Richard Gordon’s first entry in politics was in 1970, when he
was elected delegate to the 1971 Constitutional Convention that drafted the new
constitution to replace the 1935 Constitution, which was then described as
colonial because it was written under the American colonial rule.
Richard was elected mayor of
Olongapo City in 1980, but he allied himself with dictator Ferdinand Marcos in
a political career marked by opportunism, according to Dirk. He saw
his future with Marcos. But he got the shock of his life when Marcos was
deposed in 1986 and Cory Aquino took over. Gordon was among those replaced by the Cory
Aquino government. He confessed to have nightmares from that episode, Dirk
said.
He regained power in 1988 when he
won as mayor, even as he remained hostile to Cory Aquino. He supported Danding
Cojuangco in the 1992 elections, but found himself in a tight fix when Fidel
Ramos, or FVR, won. He nevertheless switched sides, as he delivered speeches that flattered FVR. Soon, FVR named him as SBMC chair to preside over Subic Naval
base’s transformation into a modern free port and industrial zone.
According to Dirk, Richard Gordon
went into a PR binge that sought to project Subic as the new growth center of Asia,
even likening it to the new Hong Kong. The American author mentioned Gordon’s
launch of the much ballyhooed volunteer program as sort of what Gordon
described a “social experiment.” Dirk said:
“There was however no real ‘social
experiment.’ The reality was that Gordon, for all the wealth already accumulated
by him and his wife, each related by blood and marriage to still more wealth, did
not want to pay from his pocket the paltry salaries he might offer the large
unemployed labor force suddenly made available by the Americans’ departure. His
grip on the levers of local government and his political resources enabled him to compel thousands to volunteer on the promise that some day, if
they did well and the base prospered in its reincarnation as a free port and
industrial zone , they would all be paid paying jobs.
“Gordon’s volunteer program was a
powerful lure. In the first months, college graduates, with some of them with
degrees from prestigious universities, joined laid off clerks and typists,
grass cutters and weed pullers in working for nothing. The college graduates
and office workers – those with connections and loyalty – were assured of
paying jobs within a year or so.
“Political loyalty, not
professional qualifications, was the litmus test. No one associated with the
political opposition had a chance. The Gordons’ intelligence system was
pervasive. There were stories of dismissals of who who got into the payroll –
and then were reported to be of dubious loyalty. Volunteers identified with the
foes were either frustrated in getting regular jobs or were dropped altogether
from what they were doing.”
In brief, the volunteer program
was a failure. But it did not stop Gordon from pitching high notes about Subic’s
potential as a free port and industrial zone. He minced plenty of words for
Subic as a potential destination of foreign investments that would move out of
Hong Kong, when the British government turned over its former colony to China
in 1997. There were comparisons during those days, Dirk said.
But, as it turned out, all those posturings were empty boasts. Dirk said: “Businessmen also had their complaints.
Japanese bankers in Manila were reluctant to invest heavily in a free port “when
the future is so insecure.” Shippers said the port was charging so much and
were reluctant to put for short visits – or even minor repairs. Investors had
horror stories tales of encounter with young and inexperienced bureaucrats that
Gordon put together, many from among his following of friends and hangers-on. The
chairman, it was said, was too often out politicking or partying with friends.”
Dirk also mentioned Gordon’s “passion
for control.” He made all final decisions and nothing got in without his
approval. No wonder, the SBMA has yet to actualize its much ballyhooed
potentials as a free port and industrial zone.
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