ANG BATAS MILITAR NI MARCOS: MALAWAKANG KATIWALIAN, 'CRONY CAPITALISM', MALAWAKANG PAGLABAG SA KARAPATANG PANTAO

Ni Philip M. Lustre Jr. 

(Paunang salita: Isinulat ko ito noong 2011 para sa isang lathalain. Paminsan minsan, nais ko rin magsulat sa wikang Filipino bagaman mas komportable ako sa wikang Ingles. Para sa inyo aking mga mabunying kaibigan, lalo na ang mga kabataan na hindi naranasan at nasilayan ang lupit ng diktadura.)

DEMOKRASYA AT AWTORITARYANISMO – ito ang dalawang tema na umuugit sa karanasang Pilipinas. Mahigpit na magkatunggali ang dalawang kaisipang ito, ngunit kahit demokrasya ang umiiral na sistema sa ngayon, patuloy na humahamon ang pagbabalik ng awtoritaryanismo. Nariyan pa rin ang ilang kilusang lihim at di-lihim kung saan nangangahas ang iba’t ibang puwersang pulitikal na ibalik ang isang sistemang tanging ang diktador lamang ang namumuno.

Unang nabigyang katuparan ang pagkiling sa awtoritaryanismo nang ideklara ng noo’y pangulong Ferdinand Marcos ang batas militar sa buong bansa noong Septiyembre 21, 1972. Sinakmal ni Marcos ang lahat ng kapangyarihang pulitikal sa kadahilanang may sabwatan umano ang puwersang maka-kaliwa at oligarkiya upang ibagsak ang gobyerno ng Pilipinas at patalsikin siya.

Sa ilalim ng batas militar, ipinasara ni Marcos ang Kongreso at ang mass media (mga pahayagan, telebisyon at radio), inaresto at ikinulong ang kaniyang mga kalabang pulitiko at kritiko, ipinagbawal ang mga demonstrasyon at pulong pampubliko, at kinitil ang karapatang sibil. Ginamit ni Marcos ang Sandatahang Lakas ng Pilipinas upang ganap na maisakapuran ang batas militar.

‘POLITICAL GENIE.’ Ayon sa namayapang dating senador Neptali Gonzales, ang ginawang paggamit at pagbibigay poder sa Armed Forces ang naging mitsa kung bakit lumakas ang loob sa ilang paksiyong militar na mag-ambisyon tuwi-tuwina na kunin sa mga puwersang sibilyan ang timon ng pamahalaan. Nilikha ni Marcos ang “political genie” sa katauhan ng ilang puwersang militar, ani Gonzales. Lumabas ito mula sa bote upang mamayagpag at maghari nang ideklara ni Marcos ang martial law, aniya.

Ito rin ang dahilan, ayon sa ilang tagamasid, kung bakit hindi ganap na malusog at matibay ang naibalik na demokrasya. Bagaman nagkaroon na ng apat na halalang pampanguluhan (1992, 1998, 2004, at 2010) mula nang mapatalsik noong 1986 si Marcos sa poder, nananatiling nakaamba ang pagtatangkang kunin ng kung sinong puwersa ang poder at ibalik ang bansa sa isang sistemang diktadura. Hindi lingid ang ilang pagtatangkang kunin ang pamahalaan sa ibat’t ibang kadahilanan na ang puno’t dulo ay iligtas ang bansa mula sa mga di umano’y mapagsamantala.

Sapagkat natikman ng puwersang militar ang kapangyarihang pulitikal - at nasarapan, tuluyan nang minimithi ng ilang puwersa sa militar at mga tradisyunal na pulitiko na kuning muli ang poder at maghari. Naging bahagi na ng ating larangang pulitikal ang mga paulit ulit at walang tigil na usapan at tsismis ng mga napipintong kudeta na parang nag-aanunsiyo sila ng susunod na larong basketball sa Araneta Coliseum, at kung ano-anu pang mukha ng pang-aagaw ng poder.

KILOS PROTESTA. Ibinagsak ni Marcos ang martial law noong 1972 mahigit dalawang taon matapos makaranas ang bansa ng instabilidad na dala ng First Quarter Storm na nagsimula noong Enero 30, 1970. Nagsimula ang instabilidad mula sa mga malalaking demonstrasyon at kilos protesta na isinagawa ng mga estudyanteng may mga radikal at moderatong kakilingan.

Nagsanib ang ilang puwersa upang kastiguhin si Marcos sa mata ng publiliko. Nagsama-sama rin ang pamilya Lopez ng ABS-CBN at diyaryong Manila Chronicle, ang mga Roces ng Associated Broadcasting Corp. (ABC) at diyaryong Manila Times, at ang iginagalang na patnugot ng Philippines Free Press na si Teodoro Locsin Sr. Nariyan rin ang mga pulitikong tulad nina senador Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino at Jose “Pepe” Diokno.

Ayon sa mga iskolar na nagsagawa ng pag-aaral sa batas militar sa panahon ni Marcos, may tatlong pangyayari na nagpasama sa sitwasyon at nagbigay kaganapan sa pinaplanong martial law. Una ang naganap na marahas na demonstrasyon noong Pebrero, 1971 kung saan binarikadahan ng mga makakaliwang organisasyon ng estudyante tulad ng Kabataang Makabayan (KM) at Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) ang kabuuan ng Universidad ng Pilipinas sa Quezon City at itinayo ang tinawag na “Diliman Commune.”

Tumagal ang Diliman Commune na isang linggo. Naging marahas ang ginawang pagbuwag sa barikada na labis na ikinasama ni Marcos sa mata ng publiko. Ngunit naipakita ng mga estudyante ang kanilang poder kung magkakaisa. Naipakita rin nila ang kakayahang magpropaganda na naging mitsa ng mga susunod pang mas malaki at mapangahas na kilos protesta laban sa gobyernong Marcos.

PAGBOMBA. Sumunod naman ang pagbomba sa rally ng oposisyong Liberal Party sa Plaza Miranda noong Agosto 21, 1971. Hinagisan ng dalawang granada ng di pa nakikilalang mga tao ang entablado ng political rally ng LP kung saan tumayo ang mga kandidato ng lapian para senadorya sa gaganaping halalan sa Nobyembre. Siyam katao ang namatay at marami pang nasugatan. Pinakamatindi ang inabot na pinsala ng mga kandidato ng LP na tulad ni Jovito Salonga, Genaro Magsaysay, Ramon Mitra Jr., Salipada Pendatun, at John Osmena.

Kagyat na sinuspinde ni Marcos ang pribilehiyo ng writ of habeas corpus kung saan hindi basta puewedeng idetine ang isang tao ng mahigit sa anim na oras kung wala ihaharap na sumbong ang pulis o militar sa husgado. Pinaghuhuli ni Marcos ang ilang piling kalaban lalo na ang mga lider estudyante. Ngunit nayanig siya ng opinyon publiko dahil si Marcos ang pinagbintangan na nagpakana ng insidente.

Sa isang pananaw, ito ang ginawang pagtantiya ni Marcos sa mga kalaban. Bagaman hindi agad idineklara ang batas militar, kaniyang inalam kung paano kikilos ang mga kalaban kung sakaling gagawin niya ang pagpataw ng batas militar. Labintatalong buwan matapos ang pagbomba sa Plaza Miranda, idineklara nga niya ang martial law. Handang-handa siya dito.

SUSPENSIYON. Dahil sa suspensiyon ng pribilehiyo ng writ of habeas corpus, lalong umigting ang galit ng mga organisadong puwersa at mas lalo pa nilang pinalawak ang kilos protesta. Nabuo rin ang Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties, ang alyansang nagtataguyod na laban sa pagkitil sa kalayaang sibil ng mga tao. Naglunsad ito ng mas malalaking kilos protesta at demonstrasyon.

Tuwang tuwa si Marcos sa paglaki ng puwersang kaliwa sapagkat ginamit niya itong sangkalan upang ideklara ang batas militar. Nagsabwatan daw ang puwersang makakaliwa at makakanan. Kumilos daw ang oligarkiya upang pabagsakin ang gobyerno. Kailangan daw iligtas ang bansa sa sabwatan ng dalawang puwersa at ilunsad ang kaniyang tinawag na “demokratikong himagsikan” na ang puno at huli ay ang pananatili niya sa poder kahit walang malinaw na mandando mula sa sambayanan.

Ayon sa mga iskolar, hindi naman napakalaki ng puwersang kaliwa upang ideklara ang batas militar. Katatag lang ng bagong Communist Party of the Philippines na pinamunuan ni Jose Ma. Sison, at ng New People’s Army, ang armadong sangay nito. Wala ring totohanang sabwatan sa pagitan ng mga puwersang makakanan o oligarkiya at makakaliwa.

Nagkataong matindi ang galit ng taongbayan kay Marcos dahil sa sunod-sunod na krises na humarap sa bansa. At nagsama-sama sa isang ago sang lahat ng mga tumututol. Ngunit tuso si Marcos at ginamit niya ang ginawang pagkilos ng kaniyang mga kalaban upang ideklara ang batas militar, anila.

Mukhang sa batas militar rin mauuwi ang gobyernong Marcos, ayon sa mga iskolar. Pinakamatindi ang teorya na dumating na sa kasukdulan ang elitistang pamahalaang demokratiko at hindi nakaya nitong suportahan ang buong sistema na tuluyang bumabagsak dahil na rin sa tunggalian ng mga uri, anila. Sa ayaw o sa gusto ni Marcos at ng sambayanang Pilipino, sasabog at sasabog ang lipunang Pilipino dahil sa tindi na tunggalian ng mga uri na madaling nauwi sa malawakang kahirapan ng sambayanang Pilipino. Unahan na lang sa poder, anila.

Gabi ng Septiyembre 21, 1972 nang lagdaan ni Marcos ang Presidential Proclamation No. 1081 na nagdedeklara na batas militar sa buong bansa. Ngunit hindi ito agad ipinahayag. Ipinahuli muna ang mga kalaban at isinara ang mga kalabang mass media outfits. Sa kinagabihan ng Septiyembre 23, opisyal niyang ipinahayag ang pagpataw ng batas militar.

KAHIRAPAN. Isa ang malawakang kahirapan ng sambayang Pilipino sa mga manipestasyon ng pabagsak na sistema na dala ng pamahalaang sibil na itinatag ng Saligang Batas ng 1935. Hindi agresibo ang anim na administrasyong naghalinhinan upang patatagin ang kabuhayan ng bansa. Mas lalong sumidhi ang kahirapan dahil sa kabiguang ipatupad ang isang makabayang pagsasaindustriya. Bagkus, nanatili sa bansa ang mga katangiang iniwan ng mga Kastila.

Sa gitna ng paglobo ng populasyon at kawalan ng oportunidad pangkabuhayan, patuloy na naiwan ang Pilipinas sa mga lumalagong bansa sa Asya. Naging dahilan ito upang magsalita ang mga tao at pilitin ang administrayong Marcos na kumilos upang patatagin ang kabuhayan at mabawasan ang kahirapan. Naging madali sa mga ibang Pilipino ang sumapi sa armadong pakikibaka. Sa ganang kanila, mas mabilis ang pagbabago kung ito ang daang tataluntunin.

Naging mabilis ang ginawang pagpapatahimik ni Marcos sa mga pagbatikos sa batas militar. Sapagkat mabisa niyang nasupil ang anumang pagtuligsa sa mass media, kagyat niyang ipinalabas na kailangan ang batas militar hindi lamang upang isalba ang gobyerno kundi upang maumpisahan ang isang “demokratikong rebolusyon” na tatapos sa oligarkiyang kaniyang kinamumuhian at magpapantay sa mga uri sa lipunang Pilipino. Nais rin niyang itatag ang kaniyang tinawag na “Bagong Lipunan” na naging tampulan ng maaanghang na biro at katatawanan kahit palihim.

Matamis ang dila ni Marcos. Madali niyang nabola ang maraming bilang ng Pilipinong umasa nga sa simulain ng kaniyang “demokratikong himagsikan” at sa kaniyang “Bagong Lipunan.”Ngunit nakalipas ang ilang taon, hindi ang pagkakapantay-pantay ng mga uri ang nangyari. Pinalitan ang oligarkiya ng kaniyang mga sariling kroni at nagsimula ang isinusukang “crony capitalism.”

Tanging ang mga pinapaborang negosyante ang nakapangutang ng mga nakakalulang halaga sa mga bangkong pag-aari ng estado. Hindi nabayaran kahit kailan ang malaking bahagi ng kanilang inutang. Kasama sa kaniyang mga kroni sina Roberto Benedicto, Eduardo “Danding Cojuangco Jr., Jose Yao Campos, Herminio Disini, Rodolfo Cuenca, Ricardo Silverio, at iba pa na nawala na sa eksena mula ng mapatalsik si Marcos sa poder.

OPORTUNISTA. Ginamit niya ang mga piling kroni sapagkat umasa si Marcos na sila ang magdadala ng isang makabago at makabuluhang industrialisasyon. Ngunit sa huli, si Marcos ang ginamit ng mga kroni na pawing nangawala ng makuha nila ang minimithing salapi. Hindi sila naging mabisang sandigan ng isang makabuluhang industrialisasyon. Sa salita ni Jaime Ongpin, isang kritiko na naging kalihim sa pananalapi ng administrasyong Aquino, lumalabas ng isang dakot na mga oportunista ang mga kroni ni Marcos.

Naging malaganap rin ang ginawang pagyurak ng batas militar ni Marcos sa karapatang pantao. Libu-libong aktibista, estudyante, magsasaka, obrero at propesyonal ang mga inaresto, ikinulong, dinukot at nangawala, o tuluyang pinaslang ng mga nakatagong militar, pulis, at iba pang grupo ng diktadurya. Hanggang sa ngayon, humigit-kumulang sa sampung libong katao, kasama na ang mga aktibista, ang sinasabing nangawala, o "desaparecidos" sa salitang Kastila.

Isa ang karapatang pantao sa mga usaping nagbunsod upang itayo ang Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) na nagtaguyod ng EDSA Revolution noong 1986. Mismong ang ilang opisyal ng Sandatahang Lakas ang hindi masikmura sa naging kalakaran ng batas militar ni Marcos. Sila mismo ang nagpatotoo sa mga ginawang pang-aabuso at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng mga kritiko ni Marcos.

At kung naririyan ang crony capitalism at paglabag sa karapatang pantao, hindi naman palalayo ang malawakang katiwalian na tuluyang gumutay sa kabuhayan ng bansa. Sa pamamagitan ng batas militar, ginawang sentralisado ni Marcos ang katiwalian. Naging panuntunan ni Marcos ang kumuha ng daan-daang milyong dolyares bilang komisyon sa mga dambuhalang proyektong pambayan na kaniyang inaaprubahan at nilalagdaan. Wala siyang pinapatawad kahit iniwan niya ang mga barya-baryang katiwalian tulad ng komisyon sa huweteng sa mga ilang piling opisyal ng militar at pulis at lokal opisyal.

NAITAGO. Ngunit sadyang magaling si Marcos. Mahusay niyang naitago ang lahat. Ginamit niya ang mga batikang propesyonal sa larangan ng pananalapi na tulad ni Rolando Gapud at Generoso Tanseco sa pagtatago ng mga ninakaw na yaman. Ginamit rin niya ang ilang di masyadong kilalang tao na tulad nina Baltazar Aquino, Andres Genito, at Oscar Rodriguez na nagsisilbing kaniyang mga bagmen. Kundi dumating ang EDSA Revolution noong 1986, hindi sana sila mabibisto.

Parang asong bahag ang buntot na tumalilis ang pamilya Marcos upang maiwasan ang matinding galit ng sambayanang Pilipino noong rebolusyon sa EDSA. Ngunit nakalimutan ang maraming dokumento sa Malacanang na naging paraan upang mahawi ang paper trail ng malawakang katiwalian ng kinasasangkutan ng dating diktador at ng kaniyang pamilya at kaibigan.

Sa tantiya ni Salonga na naging puno ng Presidential Commission on Good Government na naghahabol sa mga itinago ngunit illegal na yaman ng mga Marcos, maaaring umabot sa humigit- kumulang na walong bilyong dolyares ang nakulimbat ng pamilya Marcos mula sa kaban ng bayan. Itinago ang mga ito sa kung saan-saan at kasama rito ang Switzerland, Cayman Islands, at maging sa ilang maliliit na bansa sa Caribbean.

Sa madaling salita, nauuwi ang kabuuan ng awtoritaryanismo ni Marcos sa tatlong bagay lamang: ang malawakan at sentralisadong katiwalian at korapsiyon sa kaniyang pamahalaan, ang malaganap na paglabag at pagyurak sa karapatang pantao, at ang walang patumanggang crony capitalism na pumabor sa ilang piling negosyante at kaibigan.

Kahit nagkagulo-gulo ang eksperimento ni Marcos sa awtoritaryanismo, isang malaking palaisipan kung bakit tila ito pa rin ang kinagigiliwang direksyon ng ilang sektor ng lipunan. Sa hindi maiintindihang kadahilanan, tila hindi natuto ang ilang sektor na naging isang malaking kabiguan ang ginawang balangkas at pagpapatupad sa batas militar ni Marcos.

Tila ninanais ng ilang sektor na hawiing muli at taluntunin ang awtoritaryanismo na parang bang ito na lamang ang tanging daan upang maisaayos ang napakagulo at walang direksiyong demokrasya na naibalik ng himagsikan sa EDSA. Sa hindi maaiwasang konklusyon, mukhang ang mga tema nga ng awtoritaryanismo at demokrasya ang nag-uumpugang bato sa kasasayan ng Pilipinas.

POST-TRUTH CULTURE ENGULFS PHL

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Those lies and deception, fake news, hoax sites and trolls, and bellyaching, rants, curses and expletives are things we have to live with and endure. They constitute the new normal.

The explanation is simple. What has been described as post-truth culture has reached our shores and engulfed the Philippines These negative issues have become a way of life.

The post-truth culture refers to the spate of sociocultural phenomena, which are largely based on emotions and falsification of truths, making those half-truths and untruths as the new normal

Scholars said the emergence of this new culture is largely a function of the 24-hour news cycle, distortion of journalistic tenets, of which truth, balance and neutrality are sacrificed, and the ubiquitous presence of social media dwelt largely by empowered but largely uninformed or even illiterate netizens.

In post-truth cultural setting, facts are sacrificed in the name of personal biases and presumptions.  Ordinary citizens hardly know the difference between facts and opinions.

Between a verified or verifiable fact and an unconfirmed presumption, preconception, or opinion, the latter takes precedence.

Public debates are characterized by emotions and not arguments based on solid facts. Major political players hardly present solid facts that have become part of history, but lies containing facts distorted to the highest contemptible level.

What is taking place is a paradox of extreme annoyance.

The emergence of the Internet, or the information superhighway that has triggered the ongoing Information Revolution and social media has given the entire world an oversupply of facts.

Yet, what it has is a crisis of facts, as people of the world could hardly discern and embrace the truths among those facts.

Hence, those rants, expletives, and curses are but expressions of the citizens’ feelings of powerlessness, helplessness, and inferiority amid the dizzying pace of information dissemination.

This post-truth culture is expected to be a temporary issue, a transitory madness.

It would not linger, as the better informed among the citizenry take the center stage to counter its disastrous and debilitating effects. The counter-reactions could be devastating too.

In social media, the trend is for informed citizens to separate the chaff from the grain. It is a growing reality for these citizens to delete posts based on half-truths, lies, and deceptions, and block those trolls.

Fakes news and hoax sites are being exposed left and right. They are no longer taken seriously.

It’s just a matter of time when the ship corrects its course. It will certainly.

MY RECOLLECTIONS OF RONNIE NATHANIELZ

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Although I saw him on television during the Marcos dictatorial rule, I only came to personally know Ronnie Nathanielz after the 1986 EDSA Revolution. That was when he joined in early 1987 the short-lived Observer newspaper, which later became The Independent. I was a political reporter of that daily.

I was typing my news story (we didn’t have computers during those days, but had the pleasure, or displeasure, of using second-hand typewriters), when Ronnie entered the Observer's editorial office in Quezon City and handed to Yen Makabenta, our editor-in-chief, copies of his sports articles. Yen, a Manila Bulletin columnist now, graciously introduced us to the guy.

Ronnie struck me as a cool dude. He was profuse with his smile and did not carry any air. He called every guy "pare" and spoke in a mixture of English and broken Tagalog. He was polite and courteous to guys, who were below the journalistic totem pole. These guys included my humble self, who was required to report daily to the office.

I saw Ronnie almost daily in the office. I could see him bantering with other editors, including Reggie Amigo, our sports editor, and Ronnie’s immediate superior. He engaged them in serious discussions mainly about sports.

But what struck me later was that I never saw Ronnie’s byline in any of his published news stories, feature articles, or commentaries. Weeks later, Yen Makabenta told us that it was mutually agreed that Ronnie’s byline would not appear. It was a no-brainer to discern the reason behind the no-byline mutual accord. Ronnie was pariah during those days; he was down and out.

I felt repulsive at the no-byline agreement. Journalists are men and women of convictions. We stake our reputation, or everything in us, in every copy we submit to the editorial desk. 

Reporters get their highs in chasing stories and see their bylines the following day; desk editors, their fulfillment in turning rough copies into classic gems. Ronnie would have wanted to see his bylines; it was something not given him during those days.

It was difficult times for Ronnie. Because he was closely identified with the Marcoses (Ronnie never denied it; he was even proud of it!), he lost his job at the government TV network. He had to support his growing family. He had encountered the hostility of the outside world and the unofficial ostracism of the journalistic community.

But Ronnie had a big heart to endure those things, including the indignity of the no-byline policy. He patiently endured the collective brickbat, bigotry, and bashing of people who differed and disagreed with him. He had to live with their hostility and ostracism.

From our discussions, I came to know that the Observer’s management had to give Ronnie a job because he was among the very few in the Marcos dictatorial rule, who did not enrich themselves. Unlike other apologists, who badgered Marcos for favors and milked him, Ronnie kept distance from Marcos when it came to those issues. He lived modestly; his colleagues in the sportswriting business would attest to that.

Perhaps, Ronnie did not have that business acumen. Perhaps, he never liked living big and mighty with the favors he could amass from Marcos. Perhaps, he was too proud. Or perhaps, he was not smart enough to do it. The point is he did not curry favors from the dictator..

Ronnie was happy with his Filipino citizenship, which Marcos gave him on a silver through a presidential decree. It was enough. To his credit, Ronnie felt loyal for that single act of generosity. He never hid it; he was even proud of it. Anybody could disagree with Ronnie, but he was bullheaded when it came to this issue and his politics.

Ronnie did not brood over the sudden reversal of fortunes after EDSA. He could have left the Philippines and settled elsewhere. He could return to Sri Lanka, his place of birth, or go to the United States or Canada. But he chose to stay here. He once said he loved his adopted country and he intended to stay here for good.

But he knew what to do after EDSA. Hence, Ronnie revived and rebuilt his journalistic career by concentrating in sports. No more politics for Ronnie after EDSA. He did some reinvention and reengineering. Soon, the forgiving Filipino people had accepted him.

I once saw Ronnie in the late 1980s when I went to Ultra to watch a PBA game. He smiled and greeted me. We shook hands. 

After the game, I did not say goodbye as customary among colleagues. Instead, I saw him exchanging harsh words with basketball coach Norman Black, with whom he had an altercation, Well, that was the Ronnie we knew.

We had reconnected through Facebook and told him that I did remember him. He told me he did remember me too. We had some bitter exchanges of views. At one point, I thought out loud through my FB post that he was indeed an unrepentant Marcos loyalist. 

Ronnie never bothered to answer my post. He knew he had to receive as much as he gave. Despite our differences, I could say in all candor and humility that I have silent admiration for Ronnie. I admire his infinite capacity to endure and his capacity to reinvent himself. 

I like his perseverance and dedication to sports. I admire his sense of loyalty to people, who were kind to him.

I like the way he had stuck to the Marcoses, although I personally dislike the Marcoses because of the pillaging ways and refusal to offer a public apology. While most of the Marcos allies were jumping like rats out of a sinking ship when EDSA came, Ronnie had displayed an unwavering loyalty. Between those rats and Ronnie, I would choose the latter.

Ronnie was firm in his convictions no matter how we disliked him. But he was never mean to his critics. The fact was he had no mean bone in his body. He was a guy anyone would like to be on his side.

Rest in peace, Ronnie.    

BPO FIRMS TO LEAVE PHL BECAUSE OF OFFICIAL POLICY ON HUMAN RIGHTS

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Last night, I had dinner with two great friends and we could not help but discuss the burning issues of national and global significance. As I always say whenever I am with great friends, the three of us had attempted to solve the problems of the world in three hours.

Of course, we discussed the U.S elections; we agreed that Hillary Clinton would win to become the first woman president in U.S political history. We agreed that Donald Trump’s last minute attempt to capture the White House has gone for naught as the FBI chief has cleared Hillary of any criminal complicity on the issue of her emails.

But the biggest issue that we discussed pertained to what we foresee the country’s economic situation, particularly in the coming months. Amid those rants, curses, and expletives coming out from the mouth of the unpredictable big mouth from the South, we had come to agree that the economic future did not appear rosy.

One of my two friends does business, while the other friend is an educator, who does consulting works on the side. They are accomplished professionals. We have been friends for the past 25 years.

My friend broke the ice to discuss the outcome of his meeting yesterday, where he met a top ranking official of the BPO sector. The BPO top official confirmed to him reports that many BPO firms, particularly the American-owned, were concerned and anxious about the president’s antics, which they felt could only aggravate what they have already perceived as the dwindling business confidence in the Philippines.

My friend said that from his talks with the BPO executive, he had come to learn that American-owned BPO firms were already planning to pack up and withdraw their businesses here. They were looking into the possibility of relocating to Vietnam, or even Cambodia.

Those foreign BPO firms that have earlier plans to relocate and expand their business here have deferred their plans, as they have adopted a wait-and-see attitude to see the actual intentions of the current president. There was no immediate word whether they would continue to do business here, although my friend said the BPO executive had told him that their relocation and expansion plans were set in motion under the previous administration.

My friend said that the BPO official had told him that several infrastructures have already being laid down for future expansion of the BPO sector here, as the latter mentioned those buildings to house the expanded BPO sector. They include those buildings under construction in the MoA area.

“If they leave, those buildings and other infrastructures would become white elephants and we would be the loser,” my friend said quoting the BPO official.

My other friend jokingly said that those currently employed BPO workers could become the next wave of overseas contract workers, as they chase those BPO firms in their new relocation sites. It was a reply that drew laughter from us, but my businessman friend could not help but turn serious as he said that it was not a far-fetched possibility.

“Those Cambodians and Vietnamese do not speak English well. Where would they get the warm bodies to man those BPO booths? The Philippines is still a good source of manpower,” my friend said.

My businessman friend dropped the bombshell that the concern of those BPO firms could not be addressed and contained easily because of official state policies, which have become the basis of doing overseas business. “The international community has changed,” he said. “And it has changed drastically.”

The BPO official, whom he had met in the afternoon, told him that it has been an official policy on the U.S. and even Economic Union countries to do business with countries, which subscribe to the democratic principles and traditions, particularly the rule of law, and the international accords on child labor, the environment, and human rights.

“They would not want to deal with countries that violate any of those parameters. The Philippines, perceived a human rights violator, could become a pariah from their standpoint. Its inability to follow the rule of law could exacerbate the situation,” he said.

My businessman friend said that judging from his conversation with the BPO executive, American BPO firms based here would be hard pressed to leave the country if the current administration would not mend its ways.

“It’s a matter of official policy,” he said. “The situation has become untenable though.”

WHAT HAS HAPPENED TO DIGONG’S SUPPORTERS?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

It’s not true that the over 16 million voters, who have catapulted the current president to the presidency, have remained solid after four months in power. 

On the contrary, it could be perceived that the political support he enjoys from this block of voters is being eroded by his misdoings – those rants and curses, whimsical tendencies, careless remarks, undecipherable foreign policy statements, unpredictable temperament, and his global image of an unrepentant thug.

After four months, his political constituency is being divided and their political support being eroded, leading to an untenable situation where he could no longer depend on them when the political dynamics start to unfold and enter into a heightened phase. He is perceived as the "pambansang kahihiyan," or the "national embarrassment."

The 16 million voters could now be divided into the following categories:

The Fanatics – These people perceive him as the president, who does no wrong. Everything he does and says is correct. A questionable move or statement could be part of a grand strategy or conspiracy, which is equally nebulous as their thought processes. They are strong believers of conspiracy theories against their idol.

They are the idolaters, who persist in their belief he would bring the country to progress, but they could not explain how and why. They are relentless in their defense of him. They are the apologists, or the defenders of the faith. 

People, who don’t share their beliefs, call them “dutertards,” and like automatons, which hardly have a mind of their own, they would gladly carry that unpalatable tag without a thorough understanding of its connotation and implications. They would brand the other side as "yellow."

The “Doubting Thomases” – These are the people who have started to doubt the president. They know and feel that he is taking the country to nowhere, but they could not decide if they would take a more decisive attitude towards him. 

For them, he is no longer the knight in shining armor; his Teflon of invincibility has lost its luster. But they are still lost. They have yet to cross the Rubicon, as they cling to the foolish belief that he should be given a chance to prove his worth or redeem himself.

The “Denying Peters” – These are the people who voted him to power, but they would deny they have voted him and, ergo, support him. They know and understand that they have made a big mistake in their choice of president, but they are not prepared to admit what they feel was a mistake in the last presidential elections. 

They would claim they voted somebody else to reflect efforts to save face. Like the biblical Peter, these people would have their realization later, but at the moment, they have remained on a crossroad. 

Somewhere, sometime, and somehow, they would admit their mistake, but we have to wait for this thing to happen. Patience and perseverance is required in dealing with them.

The “Brave Hearts” - These are his voters yet they would immediately admit their mistake without fanfare. They are people gifted with a rare kind of discernment and richness of heart. They would call a spade a spade. 

They are not afraid to face the consequences of their choice, but are humble to articulate their mistake. These are people, who are willing to repent and rectify their error. 

They could be counted when the political dynamics turn for the some defining and decisive phase.

The Indifferent or Uncaring - These voters hardly care; in fact, they are the uncaring ones. They could probably include the fence sitters, who would only participate on the last minute. 

They are probably the overwhelming majority. They would not make their sentiment manifest publicly. At the moment, they just do not want to participate.

THE TRAGEDY OF A CRAZY PRESIDENT

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

On February 6, 1997, or nearly twenty years ago, the unthinkable happened in Ecuador, a relatively small South American republic of 14 million people.

The Ecuadorean Congress, in an unprecedented move in Latin American politics, declared Abdala Bucaram Ortiz, its president, as “mentally unfit,” replaced him with a congressional leader, and forced him to seek political asylum in Panama.

The congressional initiative was swift and decisive as Bucaram, a scion of Lebanese immigrants, was president for only seven months. Besides, he was popularly elected, as he won 21 of Ecuador’s 22 provinces.

Although the economic problems that cropped out when he became president on August 10, 1996 were factors that forced congressional leaders to take the juggernaut, it was largely his series of comedic actuation that had led to his dismissal.

Bucaram was perceived a mad man; he branded himself as “el loco” (crazy guy). 

When the Ecuadorean economy plummeted as a result of policy changes he earlier initiated, Bucaram took efforts to divert the Ecuadoreans’ attention away from those issues and did what he thought was best – be himself.

He did not just cultivate his public image of an iconoclast, who challenged authorities and traditions, but overplayed it to become the comic, who sought to entertain the Ecuadoreans, who, at that time, felt the economic pressures and were becoming dismayed by his lack of leadership.

Amid the scandals and corruption charges, Bucaram released CD copies of his music entitled “A Crazy Man Who Loves” (“El Loco Que Ama” in Spanish). He shaved off his trademark moustache on live TV and later adopted the clipped moustache of Nazi Germany dictator Adolf Hitler.

Bucaram invited for lunch the Ecuadorian American Lorena Bobbitt, who gained international notoriety for castrating her husband. He attended the World Banana Queen contest in Quito, grabbed the microphone, and crooned to the winner, as he was surrounded by scantily clad contestants.

These were not all. Bucaram insulted a former president by comparing him to a “burro,” or donkey. When asked to issue a public apology, Bucaram obliged but he did it not to the political leader, but to the donkeys.

When he became president, Bucaram named his business associates in top government positions, appointed certain family members to his Cabinet, and put his 18-year-old son in charge of the Ecuadorian customs office.

He offered $1 million for globally known Diego Maradona to play one soccer game with him and also gave CD copies of  his song “A Madman in Love” to other heads of government to an Ibero-American conference in Chile.

The air of negativity and hatred that characterized Bucaram’s presidency culminated when the Ecuadorean Congress dismissed him on ground of “mental incapacity,” triggering a political precedent that has become a new model for the rest of the world.

Despite his tragic political fate, Bucaram managed to give the quote of all time: “They call me ‘Crazy Abdalá’, but madmen speak from the heart and see with their soul.”

‘THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE’

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

In the summer of 1975, I had the rare opportunity to represent the University of the East in the week-long annual student leadership conference in Tagaytay City. Sponsored by the U.S. Embassy in the Manila through the U.S. Information Service (USIS), the conference gathered 50 students from various universities and colleges nationwide to discuss the burning issues of international, regional, and national significance.

Because it was the height of martial law, the organizers, led by then U.S. Embassy Cultural Attache James Hoyt, chose a conference theme, which we considered not controversial, but largely insignificant. Since the U.S. was then celebrating the second centennial of its independence from British colonial rule, the theme was “The American Experience.” It was a sharp departure from earlier conferences, where the topics largely revolved on the Philippine experience.

Incidentally, the conference coincided with the fall of Saigon, where the communist-backed Hanoi government finally won over the American and South Vietnamese forces. We were at the conference when a U.S. Embassy functionary told us the final defeat of the Americans in Vietnam.

We discussed everything American to the point of suffocation during the week-long conference held at the posh Tagaytay Vista Lodge. Almost everything about American politics, philosophy, arts and literature, science and technology, among other topics were laid on the table. A string of Filipino and American experts took turns to speak before us. Ateneo University’s Fr. Vitaliano Gorospe, or Fr. George, a Jesuit, was the conference director.

During those days, campus organizations were banned. Except for some state-sponsored organizations and initiatives like “Love Bank,” of which its purpose was highly suspicious, dictator Ferdinand Marcos did not see any reason for student organizations to exist. I was a returning student activist during those days. My teacher in a political science elective subject was probably impressed by my performance in her subject, prompting her to recommend me to represent UE in the conference.

I myself did not see any raison d’etre for attending the conference; I could not relate to the conference theme. But since it offered a new experience, my attitude was more of openness. Who would know that it could satisfy my inquisitive nature?

As far as I remember, and this is after 41 years, the conference was most outstanding in inculcating two basic things in my young mind:

First, the American experience could be summed up in a continuing battle of two conflicting themes: internationalism and isolationism.

At the one end, American internationalist leaders want to spread the gospel of democracy to the entire world. This explains American presence in many parts of the world. The U.S. wants to show its influence to the point of acting as sort of policeman of the world.

On the other end, the isolationist leaders want to keep the U.S. away from the conflicts of many countries. Stop pontificating, attend first to its troubles before the troubles of the other countries, and strengthen its domestic institutions – these are the frequent admonitions of isolationists.

Second, there is no substitute for effective and straightforward communications. This American value system, in fact, centers on this imperative.

Hence, Americans hardly speak in metaphors, similes, or any other form of communications. It’s being precise to the point of being blunt. It’s being bloody frank. It’s their virtue too.

Towards the end of conference, many students spoke bluntly against the conference theme, saying the discussions were largely irrelevant. Who cares about the Americans? During those days, the issue of Marcos dictatorship was already being raised and questioned, as Marcos himself showed tendencies to prolong his stay in power.

The conference ended uneventfully. Conference organizers however made a great pitch. Those students, who wanted to get postgraduate studies in the U.S. could get in touch with the U.E. Embassy through the office of the Cultural Attache. I made new friends in the conference and we went back to our schools to complete our college education.

In hindsight, which is always 20/20, the conference was an outstanding experience because it has given me a sufficient background to understand the U.S., its people, its culture, and its history and traditions. It has become a great use when I later entered the journalism career.

I have chosen to mention my experience in the wake of current political developments. I am sure that American leaders are having a difficult time deciphering the intentions of the current Philippine political leadership because of what the confusing statements issued by the president, who is being labelled a “serial killer” in in world press.

It is not easy for them to hear a president, who says one thing today but only to backtrack by tomorrow. It’s not effective communications for them.

They do not see any significance for a political leader to keep on talking on a daily basis without understanding the repercussions of his words.

They look down on a leader, who keeps on flip-flopping. In their view, he is more of a flip.