THREE CRISES FACE THE PHL

 By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

THREE crises face the Philippines. The first is the crisis caused by the pandemic; the second, the crisis caused by China's incursions into our territory; and third, the crisis of confidence caused by the two other crises. They leave a big question on our capacity to survive as a nation. We begin to ask where our nation will go. Shall we float of sink. We're like a piece of driftwood, floating on water and we don't know where to go. This is probably the worst crisis of confidence we face since the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.

Allow me to discuss the crisis brought by the Covid-19 pandemic

WE’RE IN FOR A TOUGH RIDE

BRACE up guys! We’re in for a tough ride in the coming days. This pandemic situation could last until next year, when we will have to go to the polling precincts to vote in the 2022 presidential elections.

Rodrigo Duterte and his ilk have not come out until now with any workable solution on the pandemic. They are lost. They are basically defeated dogs, who could no longer sustain a battle. They are confused and don’t know what to do.

This situation is being compounded by Duterte’s unwanted admission the pandemic will persist, as more people will get sick and die in the process. He had tried to assuage our ruffled feelings by saying defensively that “hindi tayo nagkulang (we didn’t lack anything).” This was a statement that was met with guffaws and social ridicule.

On the contrary, they have failed. Their failure has led to the pandemic's second wave, which continues to hit us with an unprecedented number of victims and deaths, said to be a record breaker in Southeast Asia.

The Covid-19 virus and its variants continue to ravage the nation in the most unexpected ways. They are peaking in number of victims and deaths as indicated by official data from the DoH.

The daily average of infection cases is around 10,000 persons over the last ten days, while the daily number of deaths is around 150 to 200 persons. DoH data also showed the number of active cases has increased to over 193,000 as of yesterday. It would likely hit the 200,000 by today.

The overall number of infection cases has breached the 900,000 mark and is expected to reach over one million by end-April. DoH data also places the positive rate at 20%, which means that for every 100 persons who underwent testing, 20 were positive.

As indicated by his TV appearances, no immediate solution appeared in sight. Duterte and his acolytes have not adopted what could be described the “best practices” among countries, which, although they don’t have sufficient vaccines, have come out solutions to stop its spread among their people.

On the contrary, Duterte and his ilk had the temerity to discuss the vaccine self reliance program, which will lead to the establishment of a vaccine manufacturing plant here. They naively believe it would take six months to build it, when experience shows it takes five to six years to construct one. This was definitely off the mark.

The pandemic requires immediate solutions to arrest its spread among Filipinos. This plan could wait. But where are the vaccines earlier promised by the vaccine czar Carlito Galvez, Jr., a retired military general, to flood the country within this year?

Vaccines are not coming. Even developed countries like the United States and Great Britain, which manufacture them, are having issues with their supplies. What they have earlier promised to give to the Philippines may not come at all because those supplies would have to go first to their people.

To make the long story short, we, the Filipino people, are on our own. We can’t expect much from our government. We shouldn’t let Duterte to lead our lives. We can’t expect much from them. They are useless.

What we have to do is to make clear to the presidential candidates to come forward with solutions for the pandemic. We have to make sure that we will only vote for the candidate that would come out with a spate of solutions

‘DEFEATIST’ FOREIGN POLICY

WHILE the pandemic has grown into crisis proportions, another crisis has erupted with neither indication nor provocation on the part of the Philippines. It is the crisis that is being brought by China right on our doorstep.

This is the crisis that is threatening our territorial integrity, as scores of Chinese vessels have swarmed our exclusive economic zone (EEZ) in the West Philippine (WPS) and the reefs there. The WPS is part of the South China Sea, almost the whole of which is being claimed by China, the predatory power in the region.

Those Chinese vessels, the number of which range from 200 to 220, are not essentially after the rich natural resources in the Philippine EEZ. No, these vessels are not after the fishes, seaweeds, giant clams, coral reefs, and other marine flora and fauna, the total value of which could reach hundreds of billions of pesos.

Their presence indicates they want to establish China’s ownership of the South China Sea under the much maligned and rejected Nine-Dash Line Theory being espoused by China. This is the same theory, which the five-man Permanent Arbitration Commission of the United Nations Conference of the Law of Sea has dismissed as non-existent in the historic 2016 decision that reaffirms the Philippine maritime entitlements.

China's hegemony as shown by the unabashed presence of those Chinese vessels in PHL territory stems mainly from our foreign policy. No, it’s not that we don’t have a foreign policy on China. It’s not that we don’t know how to deal with China. But our foreign policy under the much detested Rodrigo Duterte has drastically changed since he became president in 2016.

From a policy of mutual understanding and treatment, it has degenerated into a policy of servitude. No, China and the Philippines are no longer on the same plane. Their relations are no longer based on equal terms. Duterte is the local running dog of Xi Jin-ping and the China Communist Party. He is their lackey, plain and simple.

Although the 1987 Constitution does not say that the incumbent president is the “chief architect” of PHL foreign policy, subsequent decisions establishes the power of the incumbent president to chart PHL foreign policy. But is does not mean the president could dictate what he wishes. They are usually subject to interaction and the constitutional precept of “checks and balance” by the three branches of government. This judicial doctrine is being thoroughly followed and adhered to in the previous administrations.

***

THAT Duterte is a Chinese lackey is not a matter of perception. Facts support this assertion. In 2018, Duterte was said to have prohibited the Philippine Navy and the Philippine Coast Guard from conducting routine patrols of the West Philippine Sea. Then Magdalo Party List Rep. Gary Alejano revealed the prohibition, the information of which coming from his former colleagues in the Philippine Navy, and that has led China to establish military bases on those tiny specks of rock islands in the West Philippine Sea.

Duterte has agreed unilaterally to Xi’s suggestion for the Philippines to go slow in our assertion of the decision of the 2016 UNCLOS Permanent Arbitration Commission. Duterte cowardly agreed to Xi’s suggestion for the Philippines to resort to bilateral negotiations instead of asserting the UNCLOS decision. Incidentally, Duterte does not feel offended whenever he is described a “traitor” or a “quisling” in PHL-China relations.

China has been claiming ownership of a big part of South China Sea, citing as bases what it alleged as “historical presence” and the Nine-Dash Line theory. Over $5.3 trillion worth of commodities pass through the South China Sea to propel world commerce. China’s claim of ownership would restrict free passage of those goods along traditional sealanes, constricting free flow of world trade.

China’s claim of ownership of South China Sea on the basis of historic right and presence is being laughed at and ridiculed. China did not establish any foothold in South China Sea. What it had in the past were Chinese pirates, who marauded our villages, killed our men, raped our women, and snatched children for sale as slaves in some parts unknown.

The Nine-Dash Line theory, a modern-day invention, was an abomination because it was introduced in 2009 without mentioning the coordinates on the map to establish boundaries. It was laughed at and treated as merely a Chinese fiction.

In 2012, about 80-100 Chinese vessels swarmed the Panatag Shoal to form a phalanx as Chine’s way to establish ownership of that part of the West Philippine Sea. Some backchannel negotiations led by then Se. Sonny Trillanes happened and it prompted China to withdraw its maritime militia. In 2013, the PNOY government filed a case before the UNCLOS.

The Philippines won its case before the Permanent Arbitration Commission based in The Hague by dismissing China’s claim of ownership of South China Sea on the basis of the Nine-Dash Line theory. The 2016 decision is regarded historic because it forms part of the international law. This is their basis why the United States has brought its naval force in South China Sea.

Incidentally, the Philippines is not thoroughly pro-China. It government is divided into two factions: the pro-China faction led by Rodrigo Duterte, Bong Go, Jose Calida, or the so-called “Inferior Davao”; and the anti-China faction by Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana and DFA Secretary Teodoro Locsin. Duterte could not fire Lorenzana and Locsin because they are perceived to have the support of the United States.

The U.S., under Jose Biden, has changed its foreign policy to compete with China. Holding the 2016 UNCLOS decision, it has deployed its forces in the South China Sea to ensure freedom of navigation in that part of the world. China could not do anything. It is only Duterte and his ilk who have remained a lackey. His attitude has always been described as “defeatist,” as he kept on saying the PHL could not say no to China because it has weak maritime power.

The third crisis leaves us with the big question: Quo vadis, Philippines?

EFFECTS OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY SHIFT ON ASIA

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

DROWN in the flurry of news on the Jan. 20 inauguration of Joe Biden as new U.S. president is the U.S. foreign policy shift to focus on China. In their lengthy but separate Jan. 19 confirmation hearings at the U.S. Senate, State Secretary Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin told the American lawmakers the U.S. is giving first priority attention to China to keep peace and stability in East Asia.

 

The U.S. and its multinational allies have defeated ISIS in Syria, Iraq, and Iran. It has come out with a ceasefire agreement with the Taliban in Afghanistan, prompting to alter foreign policy focus. The U.S. wants to keep open the sea lanes of the South China Sea because over P5.3 trillion worth of commerce pass annually through it.

 

Blinken and Austin explained they wanted to keep the freedom of navigation in that part of the world. Moreover, they have perceived China as the new predatory hegemon, as it has been claiming without sufficient basis almost the entire South China Sea. It wants to become a world power, Blinken said, as he pointed out that China has opened more consulates than the U.S. around the world.

 

Initially, the U.S. wants to embark on a five-year shipbuilding program for 2022-2026 to construct 82 warships at a total cost of P147 billion. It could be surmised the new vessels would be fielded in areas that require the U.S. forward power projection, particularly in areas with potential or actual conflicts.

 

Also, the U.S. wants to help Taiwan, which is being threatened by invasion and occupation by China. According to Blinken and Austin, the U.S. has no qualms to give Taiwan, China’s renegade province, the military assistance and war resources, even as they claimed Washington was also prepared to protect the pro-democracy movement and activists in Hong Kong.

 

The two officials were short of saying the U.S. would abandon the “one-China” policy, or the policy that recognizes Peking as the only legitimate government of China. But they strongly hinted that the U.S. is not averse to the idea of Taiwan proclaiming its independence.

 

Blinken and Austin did not discuss the Philippines, which has taken a pro-China stance over the last four or five years mainly because of the support China gave to Rodrigo Duterte in his 2016 rise to power. But Blinken and Austin’s statements have dwelt on the need to promote the gospel of democracy. They somehow reflected concern for the Philippines, which is being threatened by authoritarian tendencies by the Davao Group.

 

Their separate statements at the U.S. Senate however indicated the U.S. is not in any way fond of Duterte and his “Inferior Davao,” or the cabal of criminal overlords in that southern part of the Philippines. The U.S. is not in any way ready to embrace him even if he turns supportive of the U.S. overnight, or a so-called “born again democrat.” The U.S. has its democratic allies in the Philippines.

 

Incidentally, the U.S., through its roving emissaries, has conveyed to Duterte three things: first, he has to release Leila de Lima, which is still imprisoned of trumped up charges; second, he has to yield political power gracefully when his term of office ends on June 30, 2022; and third, he should not field either daughter Sara and aide Bong Go as his successor in 2022.  

 

The U.S. has remained quiet over the last four or five years, but it has remained watchful of Duterte and his ilk. It won’t abandon the Philippines as it has shifted to a new but higher gear to oppose autocracy.

MALAKING TRABAHO

 Ni Ba Ipe 

HINDI biro ang ilatag ang isang matinong programa para bakunahan ang 70 milyon na Filipino sa buong 2021. Ito ang target ng gobyernong Duterte ngunit hindi namin alam kung may nailatag na programa. Napakahirap na trabaho ito para sa isang lingkod bayan.

Likas na batugan si Duterte. Hindi siya masipag; hindi siya nakikisangkot. Iniwan niya ang lahat ng trabaho sa kanyang mga alalay. Hindi kaya ng mga ayudante ang paglalatag ng isang malaki ngunit mabisang programa sa bansa. Problema iyan sa ngayon.

Inamin ng mga ayudante noong Lunes ng gabi sa harap ng telebisyon na wala silang naisarang vaccine supply contract sa mga gumagawa ng bakuna kontra pandemya. Bagaman nagpilit na magkaroon, hindi sila nagtagumpay.

Tagumpay naman ang kanilang mga simulation exercises. Wala nga lang ang mga bakuna. Hanggang exercises lang ba ang programa?

Dahil walang maiulat na maganda ang kanyang mga ayudante sa pumapalpak na gobyerno, hindi maalis sa isip kung may pupuntahan ang kanyang administrasyon sa pagpapatupad ng anumang programa sa bakuna. Mukhang wala.

Upang pagtakpan ang kapalpakan, inupakan ni Duterte si Bise Presidente Leni Robredo upang ipagkaila na nangingikil sa Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) sa pagitan ng Estados Unidos at Filipinas. Ipinagmagaling niya na bilang pangulo, siya ang tanging may karapatan pagdating sa usapin ng foreign policy (o polisyang panabas).

Maling-mali; hindi niya naiintindihan ang Saligang Batas. Ayon sa Konstitusyon, ang pangulo ang arkitekto ng foreign policy. Ngunit hindi ito nangangahulugan na walang partisipasyon ang mga sektor ng lipunan sa paghubog ng foreign policy. Hindi ito monopolyo ng pangulo dahil kabilang ang maraming tao sa paghubog.

Kailangan ang input ng ibang sektor – mambabatas, politico, akademiko, think tank, negosyo, taong relihiyoso, at kahit mga pangkaraniwang mamamayan – sa paggawa ng foreign policy. Hindi ito kontrolado at dumating sa punto na dinidiktahan ng pangulo. Mukhang hindi niya alam ang kanyang constitutional law.

 Biglang luminaw tuloy na kinakatawan ni Robredo ang totoong oposisyon, o ang maraming demokratikong organisasyon at kilusan sa bansa. Ang puwersang tumututol sa awtoryanismo ay ang totoong oposisyon sa bansa. Si Duterte na ang nagbigay linaw sa isyung ito.

***

ISANG taon na ang pandemya sa bansa ngunit hanggang ngayon, walang linaw kung ano ang direksyon ng bansa. Bagaman sinabi ni Duterte na umaaasa ang kanyang gobyerno sa bakuna, hindi malinaw kung may darating na bakuna kahit na maraming bansa ang may sariling rollout at nagkakagulo sa pagpapatupad ng kanilang programa. Hanggang nganga lang daw tayo.

Walang malinaw na istratehiya kung paano babakunan ang 70 milyon Filipino sa taong ito. Pulong lang sila ng pulong kahit na walang malinaw na paraan kung paano dadalhin ang mga bakuna. Hindi rin malinaw kung dadating ang mga bakuna.

May kumukutya na malaki ng papel ni Sonny Dominguez, kalihim ng pananalapi, sa programa. Siya ang kumikilos upang mangutang sa ibang bansa. Siya ang lumalapit upang magkaroon ng pondo ang programa sa bakuna (kung may programa nga). Siya ang kumakausap sa mga kinatawan ng World Bank, Asian Development Bank, at Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank.

Si Dominguez ay ang pangunahing economic manager sa bansa. Bahagi siya ng Davao Group, o ang binansagang “Inferior Davao,” ang pangkat ng mga taong gobyerno na galing sa Katimugan. Hindi sila kilala sa kagalingan. Marami sa kanila ang matulis ang dila ngunit hindi kailanman ang diwa.

Hanggang saan ang control si Dominguez sa naghaharing uri ay isang bagay na hindi malinaw. Siya na yata ang Cesar Virata ni Duterte na kung wala si Domingez, hindi na makagalaw ang gobyerno. Totoo ba ito?

'MAKAPILI'

 Ni Ba Ipe

MGA HULING BUWAN ng pananakop ng nga Japones noong Pangalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig ng nagsulputan sa publiko ang mga kasapi ng Makabayang Kalipunan ng mga Pilipino. Tinawag sila na mga MAKAPILI.

Marami sa kanila ang mga dating kasapi ng Ganap Party, o mga Sakdalista ni Benigno Ramos, isang manunulat sa wikang Filipino. Auxiliary worker (katulong) sila ng Japanese Imperial Army kahit nakahingi sila ng karapatan na mabayaran tulad ng mga sundalong Japones (teka, marami sa kanila ang mga Koreano at Taiwanese na binigyan ng mga pangalang Japon).

Malalim ang mga alaala na iniwan ng mga kasapi ng Makapili. Sa mga pagkakataon na lumabas sila sa publiko, sila ang mga taong may suot na bayong sa ulo upang hindi makilala. Sila ang mga nagturo sa mga sundalong Japones ng mga gerilya at kriminal noong panahon ng Japon.

Hindi dumadaan sa proseso ng katarungan ang mga itinuro. Walang sakda; hindi sila dumadaan sa proseso ng hukuman noon. Kinukuha sila ng sundalong Japones sa kanilang tahanan upang ikulong at patayin. Maraming pagkakataon na pinapatay ang mga itinuro ng mga Makapili. 

Masidhi ang operasyon ng mga kasapi ng Makapili sa mga huling buwan ng 1944 at unang buwan ng 1945, ang panahon na nangyari ang tinawag na “Battle of Manila.” Base ng operasyon ng mga Makapili ang Maynila at kanugnog lugar tulad ng Makati at maging sa ilang bayan ng Laguna at Rizal kung saan malakas ang Sakdalista.

Lingid sa kaalaman ng mga Japones, maraming kasapi ng Makapili ang nakilala ng mga pamilya na kanilang itinuro. Sa pagwawakas ng digmaan, nagkaroon ng gantihan. Maraming Makapili ang pinatay ng mga taong hindi nakilala hanggang ngayon. Napilitan ang liderato ng mga Japon na dalhin ang mga Makapili nang umurong sila sa Cordillera sa pagwawakas ng digmaan nong 1945.

Marami sa Makapili ang hindi na lumutang. Pinaniniwalaan ng pinatay sila ng mga puwersang Japones na naging desperado sa pag-uro.  Iyong mga Makapili na hindi nakilala, nagbagong buhay at nakabalik sa daloy ng lipunan.

Ikinuwento ng aking ina ang isang konsehal sa Maynila na pinaniniwalaan niya na kasapi ng Makapili. Matagal siyang konsehal at umiwas sa mga kontrobersiya noong panahon niya sa pulitika. Pero ibang usapan na ito.

 Ngayon, ginagami ang salitang MAKAPILI sa mga taong pinaniniwalaan na naging traydor sa bayan.  Kasama na diyan ang mga taong makiling sa China. Hindi mawawala ang MAKAPILI sa ating talasalitaan (dictionary).

‘MR. SHOOLI’ GOES ONLINE

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

Blame it to the pandemic.

Veteran comedian, director, and pundit Jun Urbano, aka “Mr. Shooli,” was doing nothing during the lockdown arising from the pandemic caused by the so-called China-Duterte Virus (or Covid-19) when he had thought of reviving the famed “Mongolian Barbecue,” the TV satire program of the 1980s.

“Wala akong ginagawa (I was doing nothing). I was unhappily retired,” Mr. Urbano says when asked what has motivated him to revive the TV satire program and Mr. Shooli, the loquacious but intelligent main character of that TV program.

Mr. Urbano says he wants to contribute his share to the national discourse on nagging issues confronting the country, but “I do not want to lecture.” That is the reason he had thought of bringing back Mr. Shooli to the public limelight. He has decided to talk through Mr. Shooli.

But reviving Mongolian Barbecue and bringing back Mr. Shooli to public consciousness were easier said than done. No TV network was willing to gamble on a TV program that has been out of public view for three decades. The commercial aspect was too obvious to ignore.

Besides, Mr. Urbano admits he is now 81. Young people, or the –so-called “millennials,” hardly know him. They have a vague idea of Mr. Shooli, the character whom he had created when he was 50 years old. But he is determined to reintroduce himself to the new audience by being truthful and politically correct. He knows he is on the right side of history.

Mr. Urbano admits he has no big money to spend for the return of his baby. The only choice is to go online, where production cost is much lower. Why not tap cyberspace for this new venture? It appears to be the perfect communications platform for its revival.

When friends have learned of his project either by reading his post or word of mouth, friends from various walks of life came to his rescue. Showing the much vaunted spirit of volunteerism among kindred spirits, they have volunteered their services – mostly free – to ensure its return on a new medium and platform in the cyberspace.

For instance, veteran music composer and arranger Nonong Buencamino, also a social media denizen, has volunteered to compose a jingle – free of charge – for the program. Mr. Buencamino has composed a new jingle, of which Mr. Urbano was already satisfied, but says he is not satisfied, as he intends to produce a “better one,” according to Urbano.

Friends of his sons have volunteered the use of production equipment – also free of charge, lessening the burden of initial outlay. He had heard several offers, including its marketing from his friends in the advertising industry. In the past, Mr. Urbano directed commercials under the auspices of those advertising agencies, which had corporate clients.

Mr. Urbano says he would not digress from the old formula that had made Mongolian Barbecue a successful TV program during the days when Cory Aquino dismantled the Marcos dictatorship and provided a much wider democratic space for the living arts. The revived Mr. Shooli would address the burning issues, including controversial political, economic, and social issues.

Mr. Shooli intends to inject humor in the program. Since the revived program is still having birth pains in this age of the pandemic and social media, Mr. Urbano says netizens would see the program being dominated by him. He intends to bring old characters like sidekick Kuhol in later episodes, as the revived program takes root in its new platform in the cyberspace.

The revived Mongolian Barbecue would have its maiden episode on Sunday (Nov. 1) on Youtube. They have yet to set the time.

Jun Urbano’s politics is essentially left-of-center. Since his days at the Ateneo University, where he completed his elementary, high school, and college education (he finished journalism), Urbano had come to relish and appreciate the value of public criticisms and the importance of instituting changes. Politics has been a staple stuff even in old Mongolian Barbecue and Mr. Shooli as its lead character did not hesitate to criticize and pontificate at times.

Mr. Shooli had blinded objects of his criticisms with his unrestrained combination of science and humor, endearing him to the TV audience. He had mocked and laughed at genuinely powerful people and those despicable characters, pretenders, and hangers-on who kept on strutting along the corridors of power.

Mr. Urbano feels the Filipino people are hungry for these stuff. They have not lost their sense of humor despite the grueling challenges of the pandemic and inept rule of the current leadership. While saying he was not that partisan, he has likened politicians to a series of tropical storms, which keep on coming over.

“Parang mga bagyo ang mga pulitiko. Mananalasa at maninira, at aalis. Pero eto na naman ang panibagong bagyo (Politicians are like storms, which come to destroy and leave),” Mr. Urbano says, as he expressed dismay over the vicious cycle of underperforming politicians. “Kanya-kanyang bata sa pulitika dito (it’s politics of patronage here).”

Mr. Urbano is aware that his new project could meet resistance from people with whom he did not see eye-to-eye. But being truthful has its own dividends, he says. He is hopeful that commercial sponsors would come to help the program to expand and stay in its new platform.

As Jun Urbano embarks on a new venture rightfully at the sunset of his life, he could not help but feel that staying at home and doing nothing at the height of a pandemic had its own virtue, bliss, and reward. The rebirth of his old baby is forthcoming.

13Santos Jr Pangilinan, Teng Montalbo and 11 others

PERSECUTED CRONY?

 

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

 RODOLFO Cuenca’s authorized biography book "Builder of Bridges: The Rudy Cuenca Story," which is reluctantly written by Jose "Butch" Dalisay Jr. and Antonette Reyes, contains details, which were mostly unknown to the public until it came out. These details were mostly on the dynamics of the relationship among cronies of dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the height of the infamous and detested martial law regime. Rudy Cuenca is best remembered as the guy who led what could be perceived the meteroic rise of Construction Development Corporation of the Philippines (CDCP), which became the country’s biggest and leading construction firm in the 1970s and 1980s.

Let us be forewarned that any authorized biography is no different from an autobiography. It contains feats worthy of records, conversations and associations with famous people, or some weird experiences that could be humorous, poignant, or striking. Any authorized biography could only contain what the subject of a biography wishes to divulge. Omissions and commissions are the likely aftermath of the written works.

According to Cuenca, CDCP was created in 1966 by an odd mixture of construction and banking guys. It was their response to the call of Ferdinand Marcos in his first year in office to strengthen the construction industry so that the country could pursue an ambitious infrastructure program. CDCP rose to the occasion, as it built over the succeeding years NLEX and SLEX, LRT-1, San Juanico Bridge and the 3000-hectare reclamation of the Manila Bay. It also diversified into other areas including construction projects in the Middle East, mining (CDCP Mining which later became Basay Mines), shipping (Galleon Shipping), labor subcontracting, among others. At its prime, CDCP had 38 subsidiaries. It was ranked as one of the biggest construction firms in the world.

Nearly 20 years after it was formed, CDCP fell flat on the ground, a victim of its own ambition and faulty finances. Rudy Cuenca, while busy to conclude contracts with the foreign and the Marcos governments, failed to check its own finances. Because of over-extension, it had failed to collect payments of its projects, leading to severe liquidity issues. According to Cuenca, CDCP was busy pursuing projects and spending for their completion, but could hardly collect payments so that it did not have sufficient funds to finance its operations. The mismatch was something it could not handle.

For a while, CDCP resorted to short-term borrowings, or through issuance of commercial papers, which was then a common practice during those days. They were quite exorbitant because they carried short repayment periods and high interest rates. CDCP kept on rolling those maturing commercial debts , but there was a limit for those loan rollovers. In the end, it collapsed because of its own weight. Its debts were so huge to the point it could not service them.

The authors did not discuss the major financial antecedents that led to CDCP’s liquidity issues. There was omission of the Dewey Dee affair. Dewey Dee was a Chinoy businessmen, who absconded over P600 million in debts. The Dewey Dee caper led to drastic reforms in the local financial system, including a tight squeeze and control on the issuance of commercial papers. Hence, it came to the point when CDCP could not issue new commercial papers. Hence, it could no longer roll over its maturing debts.

Moreover, the book did not discuss CDCP’s ownership – beneficial, or whatever. While the authors named Rudy Cuenca and his business associates as among its owners, they did not in any way indicate if Ferdinand Marcos was among the owners. Knowing the insatiable greed of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, it is inconceivable that Marcos did not own a big part of it. The manner how it cornered big ticket projects during the days of the dictatorship showed Marcos somehow favored from it. The authors did not discuss why Marcos did not help Rudy Cuenca to save CDCP, but instead allow its corporate demise.

Also, the book did not discuss Rudy Cuenca's failure at length. This is to be expected. While the book was brutally frank, it was written to serve Rudy Cuenca’s purpose and interest. Authorized biographies are essentially self-serving. Re his debacle and downfall, Rudy Cuenca laid the blame squarely on three major characters, whom he claimed to have ganged up on him. He did not use the word "conspiracy," but Roberto Ongpin and siblings Imelda and Kokoy Romualdez did everything that he would lose everything.

Roberto Ongpin, the fourth most powerful man during those days after Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, and Cesar Virata, served as Marcos’s hatchet man. Roberto Ongpin readily accepted Rudy Cuenca’s invitation to become chairman of the CDCP board. Rudy Cuenca could not help but felt bitter because instead of helping CDCP in his capacity as its board chairman, he led in CDCP’s slaughter. The government took over CDCP as government debts were converted into equities. It has been renamed the PNCC or Philippine National Construction Corporation.

The authors did not mention any fallout between Ferdinand Marcos and Rodolfo Cuenca. Why Ferdinand allowed its slaughter and used Ongpin as the hatchet man of its financial demise is worthy of future investigation. But the CDCP affairs also pointed to the dynamics among the people in power during those days.

Rudy Cuenca claimed that Imelda Marcos was apparently envious or jealous of Rudy Cuenca’s access to husband Ferdinand. Rudy Cuenca avoided to get closed to Imelda during those days. He bypassed her. He did not see it fit to pay obeisance to her. He felt he could go directly to Marcos. Rudy Cuenca apparently misunderstood that Imelda was the other half of the conjugal dictatorship during those days. Imelda resented his antics. He misread the situation.

Rudy Cuenca claimed he gained Kokoy Romauldez’s enmity after CDCP bagged the contract to reclaim 3,000 hectares of sea in the Manila Bay area. Rudy Cuenca claimed his firm bested Kokoy’s construction firm, which he did not identify, in the bidding.

Rudy Cuenca is still alive at 94. It’s interesting how those powerful guys slit each other’s throat during the heady days of the Marcos dictatorship. #

WILL IT BE SARA OR BONG GO?

By Philip M. Lustre Jr.

LET’S leave temporarily the issue of the pandemic brought by the China-Duterte Virus. Let’s talk about the 2022 presidential elections – and its dynamics.

Frequent questions: Whom will the Davao Group field in 2022? Will it be Bong Go or Sara Duterte?

It has been observed that the Davao Group has been posturing as if it owns the Philippines and the ruling coalition. It believes and behaves as if everybody would listen and follow what it says down the line. Its monster attitude could be felt in the political scene.

But this issue would depend on the presidential health. If Rodrigo Duterte’s illness turns for the worst and dies before 2022 and Vice President Leni Robredo takes over, this issue could be out of the question. Neither Bong Go nor Sara would not run for the presidency.

But if everything turns well, which means no Duterte death, no RevGov, no federal shift, no military junta by coup or self-coup, or no major political cataclysm, and a relatively quiet political transition happens through the electoral process, we could expect the Davao Group to field its presidential candidate to perpetuate itself in power.

Political opinion differs on who has the better chance. Although both are dumb and could not be expected to provide any sense of political vision and direction, it is important to understand the Davao Group has almost limitless campaign funds to slug it out in 2022. The funds could come from legal and illegal means, or even from China, which has an increasing stake in the Philippines.

Nonetheless, they are substantial and could be expected to push either Sara or Bong Go to throw his hat into the political ring.

Anointment by Rodrigo Duterte is important. Sick and mad (this is shown by the fact he is programmed to curse and spew expletives every time he goes public), Rodrigo Duterte appears non-committal on whom to anoint. Publicly, he says he discourages Sara to run for president, but privately, he is said to be pushing her. Sara’s biggest problem is her political naivete.

Political operators, in search of doleouts, would congregate around her, but this is no assurance she stands a chance to win. Hr father could opt fo Bong Go because he has the perfect reputation for being an indispensable political operator, or fixer. Besides, China appears to favor him. He has been the perfect go-between to Duterte. China feels it has to reward the fixer.

The Davao Group may have the resources or the candidate in Sara ang Bong Go, but it has to understand that the political mood could change drastically in the run-up to 2022. The political pendulum may swing drastically to the other side.

Because of the gargantuan failure of the Davao Group and the ruling coalition to handle the pandemic, the economic recession has happened. The economic recession could lead to a thorough change in the public perception of the Davao Group.

Hence, the change could favor the candidate from Luzon or the Visayas, or from the ranks of the democratic forces. Besides, Mindanao is not a viable political base and the Davao Group could be adversely affected by the change of the political pendeulum.

Moreover, the Davao Group does not dominate the Mindanao Bloc. Other blocs could secede from the Davao Group and coalesce with political coalitions from Luzon and the Visayas.

Will it be Sara Duterte or Bong Go?

As neither looks politically viable, it could be said this question is totally irrelevant. Fielding either Bong Go or Sara is political suicide. It is best to forget it.